Thursday, 31 December 2015

The Family That Preys Together : by Jack Colhoun, Covert Action Quarterly, Summer 1992

The Family That Preys Together 
by Jack Colhoun, Covert Action Quarterly, Summer 1992

"This is an incredible deal, unbelievable for this small company," energy analyst Charles Strain told Forbes magazine, describing the oil production sharing agreement the Harken Energy Corporation signed in January 1990 with Bahrain.
Under the terms of the deal, Harken was given the exclusive right to explore for gas and oil off the shores of the Gulf island nation. If gas or oil were found in waters near two of the world's largest gas and oil fields, Harken would have exclusive marketing and transportation rights for the energy resources. Truly an "incredible deal" for a company that had never drilled an offshore well.
Strain failed to point out, however, the one fact that puts the Harken deal in focus: George Bush, Jr.[George W.], the eldest son of George and Barbara Bush of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, DC, is a member of Harken's board of directors, a consultant, and a stockholder in the Texas-based company. In light of this connection, the deal makes more sense. The involvement of Junior-George Walker Bush's childhood nickname-with Harken is a walking conflict of interest. His relationship to President Bush, rather than any business acumen, made him a valuable asset for Harken, the Republican Party benefactors, Middle East oil sheikhs and covert operators who played a part in Harken's Bahrain deal.
In fact, Junior's track record as an oilman is pretty dismal. He began his career in Midland, Texas, in the mid-1970s when he founded Arbusto Energy, Inc. When oil prices dropped in the early 1980s, Arbusto fell upon hard times. Junior was only rescued from business failure when his company was purchased by Spectrum 7 Energy Corporation, a small oil firm owned by William DeWitt and Mercer Reynolds. As part of the September 1984 deal, Bush became Spectrum 7's president and was given a 13.6 percent share in the company's stock. Oil prices stayed low and within two years, Spectrum 7 was in trouble.
In the six months before Spectrum 7 was acquired by Harken in 1986, it had lost $400,000. In the buyout deal, George "Jr." and his partners were given more than $2 million worth of Harken stock for the 180-well operation. Made a director and hired as a "consultant" to Harken, Junior received another $600,000 of Harken stock, and has been paid between $42,000 and $120,000 a year since 1986.
Junior's value to Harken soon became apparent when the company needed an infusion of cash in the spring of 1987. Junior and other Harken officials met with Jackson Stephens, head of Stephens, Inc., a large investment bank in Little Rock, Arkansas (Stephens made a $100,000 contribution to the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1980 and gave another $100,000 to the Bush dinner committee in 1990.)
In 1987, Stephens made arrangements with Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) to provide $25 million to Harken in return for a stock interest in Harken. As part of the Stephens-brokered deal, Sheikh Abdullah Bakhsh, a Saudi real estate tycoon and financier, joined Harken's board as a major investor. *5 Stephens, UBS, and Bakhsh each have ties to the scandal-ridden Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI).
It was Stephens who suggested in the late 1970s that BCCI purchase what became First American Bankshares in Washington, D.C. BCCI later acquired First American's predecessor, Financial General Bankshares. At the time of the Harken investment, UBS was a joint-venture partner with BCCI in a bank in Geneva, Switzerland. Bakhsh has been an investment partner in Saudi Arabia with Gaith Pharoan, identified by the U.S. Federal Reserve Board as a "front man" for BCCI's secret acquisitions of U.S. banks.
Stephens, Inc. played a role in the Harken deal with Bahrain as well. Former Stephens bankers David and Mike Edwards contacted Michael Ameen, the former chief of Mobil Oil's Middle East operations, when Bahrain broke off 1989 talks with Amoco for a gas and oil exploration contract. The Edwardses recommended Harken for the job and urged Ameen to get in touch with Bahrain, which he did.
"In the midst of Harken's talks with Bahrain, Ameen- simultaneously working as a State Department consultant-briefed the incoming U.S. ambassador in Bahrain, Charles Hostler," the Wall Street Journal noted, adding that Hostler, a San Diego real estate investor, was a $100,000 contributor to the Republican Party. Hostler claimed he never discussed Harken with the Bahrainis.
Harken lacked sufficient financing to explore off the coast of Bahrain so it brought in Bass Enterprises Production Company of Fort Worth, Texas, as a partner. The Bass family contributed more than $200,000 to the Republican Party in the late 1980s and early 1990s. *9 On June 22, 1990, George Jr. sold two-thirds of his Harken stock for $848,560-a cool 200 percent profit. The move was well timed. One week after Junior sold his stock, Harken announced a $23.2 million loss in quarterly earnings and Harken stock dropped sharply, losing 60 percent of its value over the next six months. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi troops moved into Kuwait and 541,000 U.S. forces were deployed to the Gulf.
"There is substantial evidence to suggest that Bush knew Harken was in dire straits in the weeks before he sold the $848,560 of Harken stock," asserted U.S. News & World Report. The magazine noted Harken appointed Junior to a "fairness committee" to study possible economic restructuring of the company. Junior worked closely with financial advisers from Smith Barney, Harris Upham & Company, who concluded "only drastic action could save Harken."
George "Jr."[George W.] also violated Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) regulations which require "insider" stock deals to be reported promptly, in Bush's case by July 10, 1990. He didn't file the stock sale with the SEC until the first week of March 1991.
Meanwhile, a cloak-and-dagger aura surrounds Junior's business dealings. James Bath, a Texas entrepreneur who invested $50,000 in Arbusto Energy, may be a business cutout for the CIA. Bath also acted as an investment "adviser" to Saudi Arabian oil sheikhs, linked to the outlaw BCCI, which also has ties to the CIA.
Bill White, a former Bath partner, claims that Bath has "national security" connections. White, a United States Naval Academy graduate and former fighter pilot, charges that Bath developed a network of off-shore companies to camouflage the movement of money and aircraft between Texas and the Middle East, especially Saudi Arabia.
Alan Quasha, a Harken director and former chair of the company, is the son of attorney William Quasha, who defended figures in the Nugan Hand Bank scandal in Australia. Closed in 1980, Nugan Hand was not only tied to drug-money laundering and U.S. intelligence and mi- litary circles, but also to the CIA's covert backing for a "constitutional coup" in Australia that caused the fall of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam.
The Harken deal with Bahrain raises another troubling question: Did the Bahrainis and the BCCI-linked Saudi oil sheikhs use the production sharing agreement with Harken to curry favor with the Bush administration and influence U.S. policy in the Middle East? Talat Othman's sudden rise to prominence in Bush administration foreign policy circles is a case in point. Othman, who sits on the Harken board as Sheikh Bakhsh's representative, didn't have access to President Bush before Harken's Bahrain agreement. "But since August 1990, the Palestinian-born Chicago investor has attended three White House meetings with President Bush to discuss Middle East policy," the Wall Street Journal pointed out. "His name was added by the White House to a select list of 15 Arab-Americans chosen to meet with President Bush, [then White House Chief of Staff John] Sununu and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft in the White House two days after Iraq's August 1990 invasion of Kuwait."
Prescott Bush, Jr., the president's older brother, also has a knack for nailing down "incredible deal[s]." Prescott took advantage of his brother's first presidential visit abroad in February 1989 to schedule a business trip to the same countries-China, Japan and South Korea.

Prescott arrived in Tokyo February 14, 1989, ten days before President Bush's stop in Japan, to drum up business for Prescott Bush Resources Ltd., a real estate and development consulting company. Prescott said he was dealing with four Japanese companies wanting to do business in the U.S.
From Japan, Prescott went to China, where he had a joint partnership with Akoi Corporation to develop an $18 million golf course and resort near Shanghai. Prescott had introduced the Tokyo-based Akoi to Chinese officials in 1988. With a 30 percent stake in the project, Prescott used his China connections to pave the way for capital-rich Akoi. Akoi had run into business obstacles in China because of lingering Chinese resentment over Japan's brutal occupation of China in the 1930s and 1940s.
Some of Prescott's most controversial business deals have been with Asset Management International Financing & Settlement Ltd., a Wall Street investment firm which has been in bankruptcy proceedings since fall 1991. Prescott was hired by Asset Management, which paid him a $250,000 fee for consulting in its joint venture with China to set up its internal communications network. Asset Management enlisted Prescott's services soon after President Bush imposed economic sanctions in June 1989 in response to Beijing's brutal crackdown on anti-government demonstrators in Tienanmen Square.
Under the sanctions, United States export licenses were suspended for $300 million worth of Hughes Aircraft satellites, a key component of Asset Management's joint venture with the Chinese government. The satellites would beam television programming to broadcasters in China and provide telecommunications links for the country's far-flung provinces. In November 1989, Congress passed additional sanctions specifically barring the export of U.S. satellites to China unless the president found the sale "in the national interest."
On December 19, 1989, President Bush lifted the sanctions that blocked the satellite deal, citing "the national interest." Two months earlier, the Bush administration had granted Hughes Aircraft "preliminary licenses" to exchange data with Chinese officials to ensure that the satellites met the technical specifications of the Long March rockets which would launch them into space.
Meanwhile, Prescott was hard at work in the summer of 1989 as middleman in the takeover of Asset Management by West Tsusho, a Tokyo-based investment firm linked to one of Japan's biggest mob syndicates. Prescott, as head of Prescott Bush & Co., received a $250,000 "finder's fee" from West Tsusho when the deal was closed and was promised an annual retainer of $250,000 over the next three years as a "consultant." Asset Management, however, went bankrupt in March 1991. In May 1992, West Tsusho filed a $2.5 million lawsuit against Prescott claiming that he reneged on his promise to protect the mob-linked firm's $5 million investment in Asset Management.
According to Japanese police, West Tsusho is controlled by the Inagawakai branch of the Yakuza, the Japanese equivalent of the Mafia crime syndicate. By the mid-1980s, the Yakuza were buying up real estate and investments in Japan and overseas to launder their ill-gotten profits from drug sales, prostitution, gambling and extortion. Yakuza's annual income is estimated at $10 billion.
Like George Jr.[George W.], Prescott combined business with secret operations. He offered his services to the covert operations of the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1980, and later to the Reagan administration. A September 3, 1980, letter from Prescott to James Baker indicates Prescott was part of the Reagan-Bush campaign's secret surveillance of the Carter administration's efforts to obtain release of U.S. hostages held in Iran. Prior to inauguration, the Reagan-Bush campaign recruited retired military and intelligence officers to monitor activities of the CIA, the Defense Department, the National Security Council, the State Department, and the White House. This operation later became known as the "October Surprise."
"Herb Cohen-the guy that offered help on the Iranian hostage situation-called me yesterday afternoon," Prescott wrote in a letter designated "PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL." "Herb has a couple of reliable sources on the National Security Council, about whom the [Carter] administration does not know, who can keep him posted on developments."
Prescott continued, "He cannot come out now and say that Carter is going to do something on Iran in October because he said everything is a contingency plan that is loose and fluid from day to day.... Herb says, however, that if he and others in the administration who really care about the country and cannot stand to see Carter playing politics with the hostages, see Carter making a move to politicize the release of the hostages, he and they will come out at that time and expose him."
Prescott's covert associations continued while his younger brother was vice president. He appears to have aided the Reagan administration's clandestine support of the Nicaraguan Contras. In the 1980s, he served on the advisory board of Americares, the U.S.-based relief organization with ties to prominent right-wing Republicans and the intelligence community. Bush's other son, Marvin, also helped the family's pet charity and accompanied a flight of medical supplies to Nicaragua three days after Chamorro's inauguration. An undisclosed amount of the $680,000 in Americares aid to Honduras was delivered to Nicaraguan Miskito Indian guerrillas. Based in Honduras, they were aligned with the CIA-funded Contras, according to Roberto Ale- jos, a Guatemalan sugar and coffee grower who coordinated the Americares project in Honduras. In 1960, Alejos had permitted the CIA to use his plantations to train right-wing Cubans in preparation for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba.
In 1985 and 1986, after Congress cut off U.S. aid to the Contras, Americares donated more than $100,000 worth of newsprint to the pro-Contra newspaper La Prensa in Managua. Americares supplied $291,383 in food and medicine and $5,750 in cash to Mario Calero, New Orleans-based quartermaster and arms purchaser for the Contras, and brother of Contra leader Adolfo Calero. In this same period, groups associated with Lt. Col. Oliver North's off-the-shelf Contra arms network provided covert support for La Prensa.

Jeb: Liaison to Anti-Castro Right
George Herbert Walker Bush's second eldest son, John Ellis or Jeb, was also linked to clandestine schemes in support of the Contras. Soon after congressional prohibition in late 1984, Jeb helped put a right-wing Guatemalan politician, Dr. Mario Castejon, in touch with Oliver North. Jeb acted as the Reagan administration's unofficial link with the Contras and Nicaraguan exiles in Miami.

Jeb was contacted in February 1985 by a friend of Castejon, who gave him a letter from Castejon to be passed on to then Vice President Bush. In his letter Castejon, a pediatrician and later an unsuccessful National Conservative Party presidential candidate, requested a meeting with George Bush to discuss a proposed medical aid project for the Contras. Jeb forwarded the letter to his father. In a March 3, 1985, letter, Vice President Bush expressed interest in Castejon's proposal to create an international medical brigade.
"I might suggest, if you are willing, that you consider meeting with Lt. Colonel Oliver North of the President's National Security Council Staff at a time that would be convenient for you," Bush wrote. "My staff has been in contact with Lt. Col. North concerning your projects and I know that he would be most happy to see you. You may feel free to make arrangements to see Lt. Colonel North, if you wish, by corresponding directly with him at the White House or by contacting Philip Hughes of my staff."
Castejon later met with North in the White House, where he also saw President Ronald Reagan. When Castejon returned to Washington for a second visit, he was introduced to members of North's secret Contra support network, including retired Maj. Gen. John Sing- laub and Contra leader Adolfo Calero. Castejon also met with a group of doctors working with Rob Owen, North's liaison with the Contras.
"He [Castejon] was offering us a pipeline into Guatemala," said Henry Whaley, a former arms dealer who said he was asked by his intelligence community connections to help Castejon. Whaley was optimistic about opening a new shipping route to the Contras through Guatemala. "If you can move Band-Aids," he reportedly said, "you can move bullets."
With Castejon, Whaley prepared a proposal to the State Department for the purchase of medical supplies for the Contras from the Department's newly established Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office. The document included requests for mobile field hospitals and light aircraft to evacuate wounded Contra guerrillas. Congress approved $27 million in "humanitarian" aid to the Contras in 1985. The Castejon proposal was hand-delivered to TGS International Limited in the Virginia suburbs of Washington. Whaley said he sent the report to TGS so it would be "quietly" forwarded to the CIA. TGS International is owned by Ted Shackley, who was CIA Associate Deputy Director of Operations when Bush Sr. headed the Agency in 1976-77.
Jeb had another Contra connection in his involvement with Miguel Recarey, Jr., a right-wing Cuban who headed the International Medical Centers (IMC) in Miami. In 1985 and 1986, Recarey and his associates gave more than $25,000 in contributions to political action committees controlled by then Vice President Bush. In 1986, Recarey hired Jeb, a real estate developer, to find a new headquarters for IMC. Jeb was paid a $75,000 fee, even though he never located a new building.
In September 1984, two months after IMC's $2,000 contribution to the Dade County Republican Party, which was headed by Jeb, the vice president's son contacted several top HHS (Department of Health and Human Services) officials on behalf of IMC. "Contrary to rumors, [Recarey] was a good community citizen and a good supporter of the Republican Party," one official of the HHC remembered Jeb telling him in late 1984. Jeb successfully sought an HHS waiver of a rule so that IMC could receive more than 50 percent of its income from Medicare.
Leon Weinstein, an HHS Medicare fraud inspector, worked on an audit of IMC in 1986; he has charged that IMC used Medicare funds to treat wounded Contras at its hospital. *31 The transaction was arranged by IMC official José Basulto, a right-wing Cuban trained by the CIA, who arranged for Contras to receive treatment in Miami. Basulto was praised for his commitment by Felix Rodriguez: "He has been active for a decade in supporting the Nicaraguan freedom fighters ever since the Sandinistas took power, and is constantly organizing Contra support among Miami's Cuban community. He has even been to Contra camps in Central America, helping to dispense humanitarian aid."
At the same time as Recarey was providing medical assistance to the Contras, he was embezzling Medicare funds. IMC, one of the largest health maintenance organizations in the United States, received $30 million a month for its Medicare patients, clearing $1 billion in federal monies from 1981 to 1987. While he headed IMC, Recarey's personal wealth jumped from $1 million to $100 million, U.S. investigators believe.
"IMC is the classic case of embezzlement of government funds," according to Robert Teich, the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration's Office on Labor Racketeering in Miami. Reich described IMC's skimming Medicare funds as a "bust-out" where money was "drained out the back door." A Florida state investigator concluded in a 1982 report that some federal funds IMC received "are being put in banks outside the country."
Recarey's links to the Mafia also raised eyebrows in Washington. "As far back as the 1960s, he had ties with reputed racketeers who had operated out of pre-Castro Cuba and who later forged an anti-Castro alliance with the CIA," the Wall Street Journal reported. The Journal added that the late Santos Trafficante, Jr., the Mafia boss of Florida, "helped out when Recarey needed business financing." Trafficante, a major drug trafficker, joined a failed CIA effort to assassinate Cuban President Fidel Castro in the early 1960s.
Recarey's access to Republican circles was probably one reason he was able to rip-off U.S. tax dollars for so long. He hired former Reagan aide Lyn Nofziger, the public relations firm Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly, which was close to the Reagan White House, and attorney John Sears, a former Reagan campaign manager, to look out for his interests in Washington. Recarey fled the United States in 1987 to avoid a federal indictment for racketeering and defrauding the U.S. government. The Bush administration has made no effort to extradite him from Venezuela where he is currently living.
Jeb Bush has also been linked to Leonel Martinez, a Miami-based right-wing Cuban-American drug trafficker. Martinez, who was linked to Contra dissident Eden Pastora, was involved in efforts to smuggle more than 3,000 pounds of cocaine into Miami in 1985-86. He was arrested in 1989 and later convicted for bringing 300 kilos of cocaine into the U.S. He also reportedly arranged for the delivery of two helicopters, arms, ammunition, and clothing to Pasto- ra's Costa Rica-based Contras.

Federal prosecutors in Miami have a photograph of Jeb and Martinez shaking hands but won't release the photo to the public. Whether Jeb was aware of Martinez's drug trafficking activities is not known, but it is known that Leonel and his wife Margarita made a $2,200 contribution to the Dade County Republican Party four months after Jeb became the chair of the local GOP.
It is also known that Martinez wrote $5,000 checks to then Vice President Bush's Fund for America's Future in both December 1985 and July 1986 and made a $2,000 contribution to the Bush for President campaign in October 1987.
Martinez's construction company gave $6,000 in October 1986 to Bob Martinez (no relation), the GOP candidate for governor in Florida; he was governor from 1987 to 1991. At that time, Vice President Bush was serving as head of the South Florida Drug Task Force and later as chair of the National Narcotics Interdiction System, both set up to stem the flow of drugs into the U.S. While Bush was drug czar, the volume of cocaine smuggled into the U.S. tripled.
President Bush later appointed Bob Martinez in 1991 head of the U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy- the drug czar to succeed the controversial William Bennett.

In 1988, Jeb was mentioned in a deposition taken by a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee, chaired by Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.), which was investigating drug money laundering operations in the U.S.

"I saw Jeb Bush two or three times over there with [Abdur] Sakhia," stated Aziz Rehman, a junior BCCI-Miami official in the 1980s. "This was all part of the bank's trying to cultivate public officials and prominent individuals." Rehman said BCCI's practice was to "bribe" government officials in the United States.

"Jeb Bush, V.P. George Bush's son," Sakhia noted in a 1986 BCCI document, was a "name…to be remembered."

Most of Rehman's testimony focused on his role in BCCI-Miami's money laundering operation. Rehman said it was his job, in the mid-1980s, to chauffeur and entertain BCCI-Miami's big clients when they came to the city from the Caribbean and Latin America. Rehman described how he deposited large amounts of cash for these clients, ranging from $100,000 to $2 million, in other Miami banks at which BCCI-Miami had accounts. To disguise the money trail, BCCI transferred the cash electronically from Miami to BCCI banks in Panama and the Grand Cayman Islands.
Jeb's name also shows up in a September 1987 BCCI document written by Amjad Awan, then a senior BCCI-Miami official. The memorandum planned a BCCI breakfast meeting with a senior level delegation from the People's Republic of China and high Florida state government officials, including Secretary of Commerce Jeb Bush. Among the Chinese delegation was Ge Zhong Xue, Deputy Division Chief of the Ministry of Public Security, a top police official.
Meanwhile, Jeb and his business partner Armando Codina profited handsomely when the Bush administration bailed out Broward Federal Savings and Loan in Sunrise, Florida, which went belly up in 1988. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) absorbed $285 million in bad loans, including a $4.6 million loan by the Bush-Codina partnership. According to the deal struck by federal regulators, the Bush-Codina partnership wrote a check for $505,000 to the FDIC, and the government paid off the remaining $4.1 million of the loan for an office building on which Jeb and Codina defaulted. As a result of the bailout, the Bush-Codina partnership retained possession of its office building at 1390 Brickell Avenue in Miami's posh financial district.
Currently, Jeb is involved in a number of joint ventures with Codina, a Miami real estate developer who is also a leader of the right-wing Cuban American National Foundation (CANF). The Brickell Avenue office building is owned by IntrAmerica Investments. Jeb was listed in business documents in 1985 and in 1986 as the president of IntrAmerica Investments, and the building is managed by one of Jeb's real estate companies. Codina owns 80 percent of the building, while Jeb owns the remaining 20 percent.
Jeb has acted as the Reagan and Bush administration's liaison with the politically influential Cuban exile community in South Florida. Jorge Mas Canosa, president of CANF, succinctly described Jeb's role as the ultra-right Cuban-American community's liaison with the White House: "He is one of us."
Jeb Asks Dad To Free Terrorist
As a link to that powerful and wealthy South Florida community, Jeb has been a tireless supporter of some of the most reactionary Cuban-American political causes -from promoting CANF projects like Radio and TV Marti & acute;, to lobbying for the release of anti-Castro terrorist Orlando Bosch from a Miami jail. TV propaganda broadcasts into Cuba, considered by legal experts a violation of the International Telecommunications Convention, are fully subsidized by U.S. taxpayers.

Anti-Castro terrorist Orlando Bosch was paroled in 1990 after Jeb lobbied the Bush administration for his release from prison in Miami. Bosch had been jailed in 1988 for jumping bail on a 1968 conviction for shooting a bazooka at a Polish freighter in the Miami harbor. He is better known as the mastermind of the explosion of a Cuban commercial airliner over Barbados on October 5, 1976, in which 73 passengers were killed. A U.S. District Court judge revealed in 1988 that secret U.S. documents concluded Bosch was a leader of the Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU), which was responsible for more than 50 anti-Castro bombings in Cuba and elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere.
The Cuban government filed an order for his extradi- ction in May 1992.
"Tell Him...The Vice President's Son" Called
"There was no conflict of interest," third Bush son Neil told reporters after the Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS) in Washington issued a notice of intent in January 1990 to hold a hearing on the failure of Silverado Banking Savings and Loan. Neil had been a member of Silverado's board of directors from 1985 to 1988. *45 Federal regulators shut down Silverado shortly after George Bush was elected president in 1988. The federal bailout cost U.S. taxpayers $1 billion.

Neil was responding to charges made in an OTS report that he had "breached his fiduciary duty" to Silverado by engaging in unethical business deals while a board member of the Denver savings and loan. The report documented that Neil personally profited from questionable Silverado loans to his business partners, Ken Good and Bill Walters. Good and Walters later defaulted on $132 million in loans to Silverado, leaving the taxpayers to pick up the tab.
The OTS report alleged that Neil failed to disclose his business connections to Good and Walters when he voted to approve a $900,000 line of credit to Good International, Inc. Neil got Silverado to write a letter of recommendation to authorities in Argentina, where Good International, in partnership with Neil's JNB Exploration Company, was exploring for gas and oil. Good also gave the President's third son a $100,000 loan to invest in the commodities market, which Bush was never required to repay.
Neil failed to inform Silverado that Walters had contributed $150,000 to the initial capitalization of JNB Exploration, or that Walters' Cherry Creek National Bank in Denver extended a $1.5 million line of credit to JNB Exploration. Neil put up a paltry $100 in start-up funds in 1983 when he founded JNB Exploration, but over the next five years was paid $550,000 in salary drawn from the Cherry Creek National Bank line of credit.
Neil brought few business skills to his job at JNB Exploration but he was adept at cashing in on his family name. "Tell him Neil Bush called," Neil once told the secretary of a wealthy Denver oil entrepreneur. "You know, the vice president's son."
"Neil knew people because of his name," acknowledged Evans Nash, one of Neil's partners at JNB Exploration. "He's the one that got us going. He's the one that made it happen for us."
When Neil left JNB Exploration in 1989, the company had yet to discover a profitable gas or oil well.
Neil: The Sensitive One
Neil's business partners also included shady characters with ties to the world of covert operations. In 1985, Good received an $86 million loan from the Dallas Western Savings Association, which was tied to Robert Corson, a Texas developer and reputed CIA operative, and Herman Beebe, Sr., a convicted Mafia associate of Louisiana mob boss Carlos Marcello.

Neil profited from the Western Savings loan to Good, because the loan helped Good buy Gulfstream Land and Development, a Florida real estate company. Good made Neil a board member of one of Gulfstream's subsidiaries in 1988. Bush was paid $100,000 a year to attend occasional Gulfstream board meetings before it went out of business in 1990.
Investigative reporter Pete Brewton identified Corson as a CIA operative in a long Houston Post series on CIA links to organized crime and failed savings and loans. "One former CIA operative told the Post that Corson frequently acted as `a mule' for the agency, meaning he would carry large sums of money from country to country," Brewton wrote.
Corson's Vision Banc Savings in Kingsville, Texas, loaned about $20 million to Mike Atkinson, a Corson associate, for a Florida land deal put together by Lawrence Freeman. Freeman, who laundered money for Santos Trafficante, Jr., was also tied to veteran CIA operative Paul Helliwell. In the Bahamas, Helliwell set up Castle Bank and Trust Ltd., which was the CIA's primary financial front in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 1960s and 1970s. Castle laundered funds for the Agency's covert operations against Cuba.
Walters had ties to Richard Rossmiller, a Beebe associate. In the mid-1970s, Walters was a part-owner with Rossmiller, of Peoples State Bank in Marshall, Texas, at the same time as Rossmiller was doing business with Beebe.
Wayne Reeder, another Beebe associate, a big borrower from Silverado, defaulted on a $14 million loan. Reeder was involved in an unsuccessful arms deal with the Contras. Reeder accompanied his partner, John Nichols, in 1981 to a weapons demonstration attended by Contra leaders Eden Pastora and Raul Arana, both of whom were interested in buying military equipment from Nichols.
"Among the equipment were night vision goggles ... and light machine guns," according to the book, Inside Job: The Looting of America's Savings and Loans. "Nichols ... had a plan in the early 1980s to build a munitions plant on the Cabezon Indian Reservation near Palm Springs, California, in partnership with Wackenhut, the Florida security firm. [But] the plan fell through."
There was another Silverado-Contra connection, however, that didn't fall through. E. Trine Starnes, Jr., the third largest Silverado borrower, was a major donor to the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty (NEPL), directed by Carl "Spitz" Channell, which was a part of Oliver North's Contra funding and arms support network. A NEPL document, "Top 25 Contributors as of October 3, 1986," showed Starnes contributed $30,000 to NEPL's Central America Freedom Program. Starnes closed a deal with Silverado on September 30, 1986, for three business loans totaling $77.5 million, on which Starnes later defaulted.
The Central America Freedom Program was a propaganda effort in conjunction with the Reagan administration's campaign in 1986 to win congressional support for resuming arms aid to the Contras. When the administration wooed potential NEPL donors, Starnes was invited to a January 30, 1986, White House briefing, which included Reagan, National Security Adviser John Poindexter, White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan and Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams. Congress resumed U.S. arms aid to the Contras in mid-1986.
In a final ironic Silverado-Contra connection, NEPL banked at the Palmer National Bank in Washington, a bank with ties to Vice President Bush and Herman Beebe. Palmer National was also linked to North's Contra arms network.
Palmer National was established in 1983 by Stefan Halper and Harvey McClean, Jr., two former aides in Bush's unsuccessful presidential campaign in 1980. Halper, who had links to the intelligence community, became deputy director of the State Department's Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs in the Reagan administration. McClean was a Beebe associate. Beebe supplied the majority of the capitalization for the start-up of Palmer National.
"Palmer National lent money to individuals and organizations that were involved in covert aid to the Nicaraguan Contra rebels," Brewton wrote in the Houston Post. "Money was channeled through Palmer National to a Swiss bank account used by . . . North to provide military assistance to the Contras."
Bushed Out
George Herbert Walker Bush is the first former CIA director to serve as president. The implications for U.S. politics of Bush's move from CIA headquarters to the White House are profound and chilling, but seldom the subject of mainstream political discussion. The corruption of the Bush family, however, is a good introduction.

The Bushes' shadowy business partners come straight out of the world in which the CIA thrives-the netherworld of secret wars and covert operators, drug runners, mafiosi and crooked entrepreneurs out to make a fast buck. What Bush family members lack in business acumen, they make up for by cashing in on their blood ties to the former Director of Central Intelligence who became president. In return for throwing business their way, the Bushes give their partners political access, legitimacy, and perhaps protection. The big loser in the deal is the democratic process.

The Flood

By his strength he went distances to find faraway Utnapishtim 
/A He restored the flood- spoiled holy places to their former glory 
/A Establishing for the people the holy rituals of the mystic order 
/A Not one among the kings of the world could compare to him 
/A Who can rightfully avow himself as high king but Gilgamesh! 
/A For he was marked at birth to acquire for himself great fame 
/A He being one- third a mortal while the rest of him was divine 
/A Belet- ili, [§] it was who determined what form his body would take 
/A His facial features were rendered flawless by wise Nudimmud [**] 
/A His countenance was confident, his looks firm and inflexible 
/A Given the radiance of Shamash, and the strong will of Adad,

Neo-Assyrian clay tablet. 
Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet 11: Story of the Flood. 
Known as the "Flood Tablet".


Gilgamesh was overcome and mourned over his friend Enkidu, 
/A And so he wore only a lion- skin, and wandered the wilderness, 
/A “Is death my fate too, for is my life not the same as Enkidu’s? 
/A Beset by an overwhelming anguish that has penetrated my core, 
/A So fearful am I of impending death that I wander the wilderness 
/A I must travel as fast as I can, to Utnapishtim, son of Ubara- Tutu 
/A At night in the mountain passes, lions that came frightened me 
/A So I lifted up my eyes and made a prayer to Sin, heaven’s lantern 
/A ‘ Oh great lord Sin, as you look upon me now , preserve me now!’
/A Enkidu , who had gone to sleep, was startled out of his dream [********] 
/A When he leapt up he was greatly possessed of a fervent instinct 
/A And he grasped the axe beside him, and unsheathed his sword 
/A As fast as a dart he quickly leapt among them and took them on 
/A There he gave blows with his weapons , and smashed their skulls 
/A The following day he went out, standing before Shamash at noon 
/A And he gave the bodies of the lions to him as a thank offering 
/A He carved out their hearts, offering them to the spirits by name [††††††††] 
/A [37] Then he spoke to Shamash, giving him thanks for his aid, saying, 

/- ‘O Shamash, every day you are the one who rules over the world 
/- When you arise, your fire extinguishes the other fires of heaven 
/- And the entirety of humanity calls out in praise to you, Shamash, 
/-coming, /- Man prays aloft to you, his voice is nothing more than a whisper 
/- He calls upon you when his kin are nowhere near, his dwelling far 
/- O mighty Shamash, through the strength you gave me did we live 
/- Now are these dedicated to you for bringing us into your service 
/- May your light never be shed from our heads, and preserve us.’” 
/- And Gilgamesh turned his face to his shield, the warrior Shamash 
/- Shamash watched and considered, speaking to himself, saying, 
/(A) “You have made your way through a great many hard countries 
/(A) And have traversed your way over and across every body of water 
/(A) And you hunt the bear, hyena, lion, leopards, tigers, and deer 
/(A) Mountain goats, buffalo, and other wild animals of the country 
/(A) And you consume their meat, and clothe yourself in their hides 

/B But you attempt to seize the ripples spread across the Euphrates 
/B They are not real, Gilgamesh, only wind running over the waters.” 
/B And Shamash was troubled, and lowered to speak to Gilgamesh, 
/B “Gilgamesh, what is your destination as you search aimlessly 
/B No matter how far you roam, you’ll not find your eternal youth.” 
/B Gilgamesh raised his voice, speaking to the warrior Shamash, 
/B “As long as I am roaming across the countryside, I am yet alive! 
/B There is plenty of sleep for those who reside in the Underworld 
/B Would I rather spend my years on earth getting even more sleep? 
/B Rather I would let my eyes gaze upon the sun, and be given light, 
/B There is nothing to be had in darkness, but how precious light is! 
/B Once the man is dead will he look upon the sun’s beams again?” 
/B Shamash listened to everything Gilgamesh had spoken, and said, 

/- “By what you’ve said you prevail upon me to act as your guide, 
/- And I will set you upon your way, despite that it remains fruitless, 
/- Make your way east to mountains which are called the Mashu.” 

/A So Gilgamesh continued onward until he arrived at one Mashu [‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡] 
/A Which is the guardian of Shamash when he rises each morning, 
/A Their high peaks reach up to the very underpinnings of the sky 
/A In the other direction their bases extend down to deep Arallu [§§§§§§§§] 
/A And there guarding the gate were the legions of scorpion- men 
/A Their very form strikes one with terror, having the look of death 
/A It is their Mantles of Brilliance which enshrouded the mountains 
/A It is they who are guardians of the sun both at sunrise and sunset 
/A Gilgamesh gazed at them, his face overcome by a fear and dread 
/A But he made his first move, approaching them in the usual way 
/A The scorpion- man then called out, alerting his wife of his coming, 
/A “There is a man here to see us who is made of the flesh of gods.” 
/A The scorpion- man’s wife called back, and answered him, saying, 
/A Would I rather spend my years on earth getting even more sleep? /B Rather I would let my eyes gaze upon the sun, and be given light, /B There is nothing to be had in darkness, but how precious light is! /B Once the man is dead will he look upon the sun’s beams again?” /B Shamash listened to everything Gilgamesh had spoken, and said, /- “By what you’ve said you prevail upon me to act as your guide, /- And I will set you upon your way, despite that it remains fruitless, /- Make your way east to mountains which are called the Mashu.” 
/A So Gilgamesh continued onward until he arrived at one Mashu [‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡] 
/A Which is the guardian of Shamash when he rises each morning, 
/A Their high peaks reach up to the very underpinnings of the sky 
/A In the other direction their bases extend down to deep Arallu [§§§§§§§§] 
/A And there guarding the gate were the legions of scorpion- men 
/A Their very form strikes one with terror, having the look of death 
/A It is their Mantles of Brilliance which enshrouded the mountains 
/A It is they who are guardians of the sun both at sunrise and sunset 
/A Gilgamesh gazed at them, his face overcome by a fear and dread /A But he made his first move, approaching them in the usual way /A The scorpion- man then called out, alerting his wife of his coming, /A “There is a man here to see us who is made of the flesh of gods.” /A The scorpion- man’s wife called back, and answered him, saying,

Scorpion men encountered by Gilgamesh, who guard the mountain of Mashu, west of the Gilgamesh. Drawing by Faucher-Gudin from an Assyrian intaglio.

circa 1900

History of Egypt, Chaldea, Syria, Babylonia and Assyria, Vol. III

Drawn by Faucher-Gudin, from an Assyrian intaglio

/A “Only two- thirds he is a god, the other third of him is yet mortal.” /A Then the male scorpion- man called to the god- man Gilgamesh, 
/A “ Does this not look like a man who long ago set out on his quest, 
/A Who comes into my presence, who makes this difficult passage? 
/A First of all , tell me your name and the place of your family tomb 
/A Second of all , tell me what people you are from, what city you flee.” 
/A [38] Gilgamesh raising his voice to be heard, said to the scorpion- man, 
/(A) “Look at me again, and gaze upon this sore- stricken face of mine 
/(A) Know then that I have become a companion of the wilderness 
/(A) You must have heard of me, I am the King of Uruk, Gilgamesh, 
/(A) And I am on a journey to seek out Utnapishtim, the faraway, 
/(A) He whom the people spoke of, so I sought through every land 
/(A) I made my way into and through a great many hard countries 
/(A) And have traversed my way over and across every body of water 
/(A) Never was I able to get enough sleep, I was so sorely beset inside 
/(A) And from this deficiency of sleep did I become even more restless 
/(A) But I have now to ask myself what good it does me to suffer so? 
/(A) I have hunted the bear, hyena, lion, leopards, tigers, and deer 
/(A) Mountain goats, buffalo, and other wild animals of the country 
/(A) And I consumed their meat, and clothed myself in their hides 
/(A) It is from my own bad fortunes that I have been driven to despair.” /(A) Gilgamesh raising his voice to be heard, said to the scorpion- man, 
/(A) “Concerning Utnapishtim, the faraway, my father spoke of him 
/A Who stood within the gods’ assembly and sought for eternal life 
/A Death and life were made just the same for him, by the high gods. ” 
/A The scorpion- man raising his voice to be heard, said to Gilgamesh, 
/A “ Do not trouble yourself with it , Gilgamesh, the way is impossible 
/A Not one man has successfully crossed the mountainous expanse 
/A After just twelve leagues of traversing this tract you will be lost 
/A The dark is far too pervasive, there is no light with which to see 
/A You must know the dawn is a formidable distance, the way hard 
/A You must know the dusk is a formidable distance, the way uneven, 
/A Yet to the dusk is a distance once measured by kings of your kind 
/A Who sent forth a survey team to record the distance, here to there 
/A But as for you, how is it that you would be able to survive the way? 
/A Are you going there by yourself, and making this journey alone? 
/A For while the expedition went forth and covered the entire space, 
/- [39] They were incapable of making it back again, and never returned /-

The Holocaust (Beta test version)

"While there are in Russia and Rumania six millions of Jews who are being systematically degraded..."

Entry on 'Antisemitism' 
Encyclopedia Britannica 10th Edition (1902)

In the Hebrew text of the Torah prophesies, one can read "you shall return". In the text the letter "V" or "VAU" is absent, as Hebrew does not have any numbers; the letter V stands for the number 6. 

Ben Weintraub, a religious scientist, learned from rabbis that the meaning of the missing letter means the number is '6 million'. 

The prophesy then reads: "You will return, but with 6 million less."

Ben Weintraub,
"The Holocaust Dogma of Judaism", 
Cosmo Publishing, Washington 1995, page 3.

"Six million human beings are being whirled toward the grave by a cruel and relentless fate, only the most idealistic promptings of human nature should sway the heart and move the hand."

Crucifixion of the Jews Must Stop!
By Martin H. Glynn
Published: 1919-10-31
Report a problem
(Former Governor of the State of N.Y.)

The American Hebrew, October 31, 1919: page 582F

From across the sea six million men and women call to us for help, and eight hundred thousand little children cry for bread.
These children, these men and women are our fellow-members of the human family, with the same claim on life as we, the same susceptibility to the winter's cold, the same propensity to death before the fangs of hunger. Within them reside the illimitable possibilities for the advancement of the human race as naturally would reside in six million human beings. We may not be their keepers but we ought to be their helpers.

In the face of death, in the throes of starvation there is no place for mental distinctions of creed, no place for physical differentiations of race. In this catastrophe, when six million human beings are being whirled toward the grave by a cruel and relentless fate, only the most idealistic promptings of human nature should sway the heart and move the hand.

Six million men and women are dying from lack of the necessaries of life; eight hundred thousand children cry for bread. And this fate is upon them through no fault of their own, through no transgression of the laws of God or man; but through the awful tyranny of war and a bigoted lust for Jewish blood.

In this threatened holocaust of human life, forgotten are the niceties of philosophical distinction, forgotten are the differences of historical interpretation; and the determination to help the helpless, to shelter the homeless, to clothe the naked and to feed the hungry becomes a religion at whose altar men of every race can worship and women of every creed can kneel. In this calamity the temporalities of man's fashionings fall away before the eternal verities of life, and we awaken to the fact that from the hands of one God we all come and before the tribunal of one God we all must stand on the day of final reckoning. And when that reckoning comes mere profession of lips will not weigh a pennyweight; but deeds, mere intangible deeds, deeds that dry the tear of sorrow and allay the pain of anguish, deeds that with the spirit of the Good Samaritan pour oil and wine in wounds and find sustenance and shelter for the suffering and the stricken, will outweigh all the stars in the heavens, all the waters in the seas, all the rocks and metals in all the celestian globes that revolve in the firmament around us.
Race is a matter of accident; creed, partly a matter of inheritance, partly a matter of environment, partly one's method of ratiocination; but our physical wants and corporeal needs are implanted in all of us by the hand of God, and the man or woman who can, and will not, hear the cry of the starving; who can, and will not, take heed of the wail of the dying; who can, and will not, stretch forth a helping hand to those who sink beneath the waves of adversity is an assassin of nature's finest instincts, a traitor to the cause of the human family and an abjurer of the natural law written upon the tablets of every human heart by the finger of God himself.
And so in the spirit that turned the poor widow's votive offering of copper into silver, and the silver into gold when placed upon God's altar, the people of this country are called upon to sanctify their money by giving $35,000,000 in the name of the humanity of Moses to six million famished men and women.

Six million men and women are dying — eight hundred thousand little children are crying for bread.

And why?

Because of a war to lay Autocracy in the dust and give Democracy the sceptre of the Just.

And in that war for democracy 200,000 Jewish lads from the United States fought beneath the Stars and Stripes. In the 77th Division alone there were 14,000 of them, and in Argonne Forest this division captured 54 German guns.This shows that at Argonne the Jewish boys from the United States fought for democracy as Joshua fought against the Amalekites on the plains of Abraham. In an address on the so-called "Lost Battalion," led by Colonel Whittlesey of Pittsfield, Major-General Alexander shows the fighting stuff these Jewish boys were made of. In some way or another Whittlesey's command was surrounded. They were short of rations. They tried to get word back to the rear telling of their plight. They tried and they tried, but their men never got through. Paralysis and stupefaction and despair were in the air. And when the hour was darkest and all seemed lost, a soldier lad stepped forward, and said to Col. Whittlesey: "I will try to get through." He tried, he was wounded, he had to creep and crawl, but he got through.To-day he wears the Distinguished Service Cross and his name is Abraham Krotoshansky.

Because of this war for Democracy six million Jewsh men and women are starving across the seas; eight hundred thousand Jewish babies are crying for bread.

(Continued from page 582)

In the name of Abraham Krotoshinsky who saved the "Lost Battalion," in the name of the one hundred and ninety-nine thousand and nine hundred and ninety-nine other Jewish boys who fought for Democracy beneath the Stars and Stripes won't you give copper, or silver, or gold, to keep life in the heart of these men and these women; to keep blood in the bodies of these babies?

The Jew Has Helped Everybody But The Jew.
In the world war the Jew has helped everybody but the Jew. "Over there" he helped in camp, in council and in conflict. "Over here" he helped the Red Cross, the Y.M.C.A., the Knights of Columbus, the Masons, the Salvation Army and everybody else. So now is the time for everybody to help the Jew, and God knows now is the time he needs it.

From out of the gloom of this war every other race, save one or two, has snatched a ray of sunshine. But amid the encircling gloom there is no light for the Jew "to lead thou me on." The war is over for everyone, but the Jew. The knife is still at his throat and an unreasoning and unreasonable century-old lust for Jewish blood opens his veins. The Jew in Roumania, Poland and Ukrainia is being made the scapegoat of the war. Since the armistice has been signed thousands of Jews in Ukrainia have been offered up as living sacrifices to diabolical greed and fanatical passion — their throats cut, their bodies rended limb from limb by assassin bands and rabid soldiery. In the city of Proskunoff one day a few weeks ago the dawn saw the door of every house wherein lived a Jew marked as a shambles for slaughter. For four days, from sunrise to sunset, fanatics plied the dagger like demons from hell, stopping only to eat with hands adrip with the blood of Jewishvictims. They killed the men; they were less merciful to women. These they violated, and then they killed. From a purpose to a fury, from a fury to a habit ran this killing of the Jews, until within four days the streets of Proskunoff ran red with blood like gutters of a slaughter house, until its homes became a morgue for thousands of slaughtered human beings whose gaping wounds cried out for vengeance and whose eyes had turned to stone at the horrors they had seen. As Hon. Simon W. Rosendale, aptly paraphrasing Bobby Burns' thought, in his speech not long ago, said it is the age-old story of "man's inhumanity to man that makes countless thousands mourn." For as it has been at Proskunoff, so has it been in a hundred other places.The bloody tale hath repetition ad nauseum. It is the same tear-stained story — the same old stain upon the escutcheon of humanity. Verily, Byron was right when he wrote:
Tribes of the wandering feet and weary breast 
Whither shall ye flee to be at rest? 
The wild dove hath her nest, the fox his cave, 
Mankind their countries, Israel but the grave.
[Illegible] to a place in the sun, and the crucifixion of Jews must stop. We repeat the war is over for everybody, but the Jew. Like Isaac the knife is at his throat, but unlike Isaac no power seems able to stop the steel from thirsting for his blood. But some power the world must raise up to prevent this decimation of a deserving race. For the peace of the world a League of Nations let us have by all means; but for the Humanity of the World, to give justice to the Jew and other oppressed peoples on earth, let us have a Truce of God! — Albany Times Union.

Hollow Towers, Dead Souls

How the Dead Souls of Venice Corrupted Science

Webster G. Tarpley, Ph.D.
ICLC Conference, September, 1994

There is a cancer growing on world history – the cancer of oligarchism. Between 1200 A.D. and about 1600 A.D., the world center of gravity for the forces of oligarchism was the oligarchy of Venice. Toward the end of that time, the Venetian oligarchy decided for various reasons to transfer its families, fortunes, and characteristic outlook to a new base of operations, which turned out to be the British Isles. The old program of a worldwide new Roman Empire with its capital in Venice was replaced by the new program of a worldwide new Roman Empire with its capital in London – what eventually came to be known as the British Empire.

This was the metastasis of the cancer, the shift of the Venetian Party from the Adriatic to the banks of the Thames, and this has been the main project of the world oligarchy during the past five centuries. The Venetian Party, wherever it is, believes in epistemological warfare. The Venetian Party knows that ideas are more powerful weapons than guns, fleets, and bombs. In order to secure acceptance for their imperial ideas, the Venetian Party seeks to control the way people think. If you can control the way people think, say the Venetians, you can control the way they respond to events, no matter what those events may be. It is therefore vital to the Venetians to control philosophy and especially science, the area where human powers of hypothesis and creative reason become a force for improvements in the order of nature. The Venetian Party is implacably hostile to scientific discovery. Since the days of Aristotle, they have attempted to suffocate scientific discovery by using formalism and the fetishism of authoritative professional opinion. The Venetian Party has also created over the centuries a series of scientific frauds and hoaxes, which have been elevated to the status of incontrovertible and unchallengeable authorities. These have been used to usurp the rightful honor due to real scientists, whom the Venetians have done everything possible to destroy.

We can identify the Venetian faction which has been responsible for the most important of these scientific and epistemological frauds. They can be called the “dead souls” faction, or perhaps the “no-soul brothers” of Venetian intelligence. This is because their factional pedigree is based on the belief that human beings have no soul. Their factional creed is the idea that human beings have no creative mental powers, are incapable of forming hypotheses, and cannot make scientific discoveries.

Understanding The Silhouetted Images Of The Twin Towers. WTC 1
Below on the left is WTC 1 at sunrise. The view is not looking down the hallways, we look nearly along the long axis of the towers core. The vertical line of light in the lower segment is created by sunlight reflecting off the inner core walls then shining out the core hallway.
This was the north tower hallway layout, more or less, upper floors were different. The hallway scheme below went up to the 43rd floor for maximum strength.

Below, the North Tower had a core oriented east and west. This image is looking east at sunrise.. The camera perspective is not aligned with the hallway as can be seen by the orientation of the south towers roof indicating an oblique view. The light is reflected off the inner south shear wall at a hallway level where there is no doorway interrupting. Notice the very slight interruptions, dark streaks, whole dark floors. The nature of light under these conditions is to blend, blur and obscure solid areas between the light.
We see no light on the left side because the doorways on the north face do not align with the doors on the east face as they are on a different floor so no direct light and no reflective surfaces are at the proper angle. Above that, or the top sky lobby floor, the top floors had a different scheme with halls on one floor crossing in both directions allowing direct light

.WTC 2 Silhouetted

The core of the south tower above (on right) is oriented north south with its long axis and had 2 halls crossing the short axis. We see no light through it because the doors on our face only reveal a shadowed inner concrete wall corner. See the 2 vertical, central lines in the image below.
Below: Tower on right, the north tower.
The interior box columns followed the slight taper of the concrete core to a point then had to continue vertically plumb to the roof as the interior wall of the outside tube of the steel framework. The purpose of this section and photo is to show the space between the interior box columns and the tapering core face at the upper floors. The north tower had hallways crossing perpendicularly every other floor (diagram below). This picture of the towers is looking due south through the towers.

Above: The north tower (right) core was oriented east west, so we are looking at the wide side. We see, from right to left; a light space from the out side to a dark column which represents the floor space to the interior box column, then there is another narrow light space left of that. That is the space between the interior box column and the concrete core face. Going leftward we see the facing concrete shear wall, dark, then the hallway crossing the narrow axis, then the core face again, then the space between the east core face and interior box column, then floor space to the east side of the building.
I believe the below image is WTC 2 from the north side. There was not enough of the surroundings in the original image to be certain of this The narrow blue lines indicate each side of the hallway openings and the thick lines the entire opening on the west wide side core face.

Thanksgiving 1972
Submitted by Howie


Operation Sunrise

by Stanley Kubrick (Aged 16)
Look Magazine, April 1945

House at Herrengasse 23, Bern, North facade. 
Built 1690 by Abraham I. Dünz for David Salomon von Wattenwyl, 
rebuilt around 1756 by Erasmus Ritter in late Louis XV style.

Stephen P. Halbrook

Operation Sunrise was a cooperative effort of American and Swiss intelligence services
which led to the unconditional surrender of the German Wehrmacht forces in Northern Italy and
Western Austria on May 2, 1945. General Heinrich von Vietinghoff, Commander-in-Chief of
the Southwest Command and of Army Group C, surrendered nearly a million soldiers, the
strongest remaining German force. This was the first great surrender of German forces to the
Allies, and became a strong impetus for the final Allied victory over Nazi Germany on May 8,
Victory in Europe (VE) Day. Operation Sunrise helped to nip in the bud Nazi aspirations for
guerilla resistance in an Alpine redoubt.

Sunrise, sometimes referred to as “Crossword,” has special significance today beyond the
sixtieth anniversary of the German surrender. Despite Switzerland’s formal neutrality, Swiss
intelligence agents aggressively facilitated American efforts to end the war. Ironically, the efforts of key U.S. intelligence agents on the ground to orchestrate the surrender were hampered
and almost scuttled by leaders in Washington to appease Joseph Stalin, who wished to delay the
surrender in the West so that Soviet forces could grab more territory in the East.

The key players in the Sunrise drama were 

1] Allen Dulles,1 head of the U.S. Office of Strategic Services (OSS)stationed in Bern; 

2] Major Max Waibel3 of the Swiss Army Intelligence branch Nachrichtensammelstelle I 

3] “Rigi”; 

4] and SS-Obergruppenführer Karl Wolff, head of the German police, the Gestapo, and SD intelligence in Italy. 

This study traces Operation Sunrise
from the American perspective primarily through contemporaneous OSS dispatches.

While several peace feelers preceded Sunrise, Dulles and his assistant Gero von Gaevernitz dated its origin as February 23, 1945.6 The intelligence cables passing that day between OSS Bern and Allied Forces Headquarters in Caserta, Italy,7 were distilled into a message from OSS Director William “Wild Bill” Donovan to President Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Referring to information from Alexander von Neurath, German Consul at Lugano, Switzerland,
as provided in a personal meeting with Dulles, Donovan told Roosevelt:

This official declares that [Field] Marshal [Albert] Kesselring and Rudolph Rahn, Ambassador to the Mussolini regime in North Italy, are ready to surrender and even to fight against Hitler, if the Allies can make it worth their while.

Kesselring, according to the official, feels that under present trends he is destined to retire to the Alps and, subordinate to SS officials, to die in the final resistance or be killed for not resisting the Allies. As long as Kesselring is still in Italy he feels he still has power and is willing to use that power to surrender, in return for concessions.8

In a further explanation to Roosevelt, Donovan wrote that Neurath, at Kesslering’s
request, had secretly met with General Siegfried Westphal and General Johannes Blaskowitz in
Germany on “the possibility of opening the Western Front to the Allies.” The latter two
questioned the step “if they were merely to be considered as war criminals,” and noted that “their armies included large elements of Germans from East Prussia and eastern Germany whose fighting qualities had been stiffened by the Soviet occupation of their home areas.” These troops “have lost everything and having no homes or families to which to return, consider it better to stay on and fight.” However, Westphal and Blaskowitz appeared to be working with Kesselring, wanted to open up the Western and Italian Fronts to the Allies, and may be willing to discuss the arrangement with an American Army officer. It was doubted “that von Neurath will be guilty of indiscretion, since his own life is apparently at stake and since his background is non-Nazi. Discussions could be held in the Lugano vicinity.9

A meeting was indeed held on March 3 in Lugano in which Italian industrialist Baron
Luigi Parrilli, SS Colonel Eugen Dollman, and SS Captain Guido Zimmer talked briefly with
OSS agent Paul Blum. Dr. Max Husmann, director of a private school with students from Italy,
and Lt. Friedrich Rothpletz of Swiss Army Intelligence set up the meeting and were present.

The end result was that the Germans, to prove their sincerity, agreed to release Italian partisan
leader Ferruccio Parri and Italian secret service member Antonio Usmiani.

Dulles reported that “2 close friends in Swiss SI [Secret Intelligence]” advised that Baron Parrilli sought to facilitate contact between Germans and Allies “with general view terminating
German resistance North Italy.” “We were advised late March 2 by our Swiss SI friends that Standartenfuehrer Dollmann and Zimmer had arrived at Swiss frontier.” “DB-001 [Paul Blum]
who was proceeding Lugano on other business met Dollmann, Zimmer, Baron P and Swiss SI
man at Lugano March 3.” By reputation, Dollmann made a fortune by ransoming important
persons and saving Rome from destruction. “To Swiss intermediary Dollmann apparently
claimed that he represented Kesselring, Rahn, Wolff and Harster but never specifically so stated
to DB-001.”11

The intermediaries, Dulles continued, told Dollmann that Blum was associated with
Dulles. To show good faith, the release of unnamed Italian patriots was suggested. Dulles
noted: “If this should be of a nature to facilitate unconditional surrender of German forces North
Italy it might be desirable to arrange that military contact take place on Swiss side of frontier.”
While Caserta had suggested that Kesselring, if he wished to surrender, could pursue normal
channels, “elements with Kesselring whom might wish to facilitate surrender may only act with
greatest secrecy lest their movements be betrayed by fanatical Nazis in Kesselring’s entourage.”
Sending a messenger to Allied lines may be difficult, but it would be easy “for high officials to
come to Switzerland without arousing suspicion as they have been doing this continuously over
long period.” Dulles concluded: “I have confidence in Swiss through whom we are dealing.
Also, all Swiss interests lie in facilitating peaceful surrender of Germans in North Italy.”
Dulles telegraphed Caserta and Donovan on March 8 that “Waffen SS General Karl
Wolff, top SS officer North Italy together with OKW representative presumably from Kesselring
staff plus Dollmann and Zimmer arrived Lugano this morning allegedly prepared to talk
definitely.” Parri was being produced to show good faith and the ability to act. SACMED
(Supreme Allied Commander Mediterranean) agents should prepare to come, as “I could arrange
entry [in] Switzerland in civilian clothes with absolute secrecy and we can be assured of secret
cooperation [of] local authorities. Nothing unusual in this as high military authorities from
SHAEF [Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force] come here constantly.” Dulles
suggested that Wolff and Kesslering “might pull off unconditional surrender provided absolute
secrecy can be preserved,” but worried “how much does Himmler know about this.”

Donovan passed on this information to Roosevelt. “The OSS representative in Bern [Dulles] believes that, if Wolff is really working with Kesselring, the two Generals might effect
an unconditional surrender.” Dulles could arrange for the secret entry into Switzerland of agents of the Supreme Allied Mediterranean Command.

Extraordinary meetings occurred in Zurich on March 8-9, reported Dulles. Wolff appeared with Dollmann, Sturmbandfuehrer Wenner, Zimmer and Parrilli. “I only consented to
see Wolff who came to my apartment [the] evening [of the] 8th with Swiss intermediary. 476[Gaevernitz] and I then talked to Wolff alone.” Gaevernitz had an additional meeting with
Wolff and Dollmann. Dulles described Wolff as a “distinctive personality” who “represents more moderate element in Waffen SS, with mixture of romanticism. Probably most dynamic
personality North Italy and most powerful after Kesselring.”

 Dulles continued:

Wolff stated that time had come when some German with power to act
should lead Germany out of war to end useless material and human destruction,
that he was willing to act and felt he could persuade Kesselring to join, that
together with Kesselring they controlled situation in Northern Italy, and as far as
SS concerned he likewise controlled Western Austria, as his authority included
Voralberg, Tyrol, and Brenner Pass with both northern and southern approaches.
He felt that in case of joint action with Kesselring, Hitler and Himmler would be
powerless to take effective counter measures, thus distinguishing situation from
that of July 20. He also felt that their joint action would have vital repercussion
on German Army, particularly Western Front, as many generals waiting for some
one to take lead.
Wolff made no request re personal safety or privileged treatment from war
criminal viewpoint.
Wolff hoped to persuade Kesselring and other major German players in Northern Italy to
draft an appeal “setting forth uselessness of struggle, their responsibility toward German people
to terminate it and calling upon military commanders and others generally to disassociate
themselves from Himmler-Hitler control, plus statement that hostilities North Italy would be
terminated by Germans.” Besides releasing Parri, Wolff was ready to “discontinue active
warfare against partisans,” “release to Switzerland several hundred Jews interned at Bozen,”
assume responsibility for British and American prisoners at Mantua, and “release to Switzerland
Sogno Franci, well known patriot working with CLNAI and British.”

Wolff claimed that Himmler knew nothing about this peace initiative. In February, Wolff met with Hitler and Himmler, advising them that the situation was hopeless, but received
no instructions. Dulles noted that “this may present very unique opportunity to shorten war and to permit occupation of north Italy and possibly even penetration Austria under most favorable
conditions. Also this might wreck German plans for establishment of maquis.” Dulles concluded with the obligatory statement that “I have engaged in no negotiations, merely listened
to his presentation and stated, with no refutation Wolff’s part, that unconditional surrender only possible course.”

Donovan repeated almost the entire above message in a communication to Roosevelt on March 10.

Meanwhile, Dulles confirmed that Parri and Usmiani, who “ran one of our SI [Secret
Intelligence Branch] chains [in] Milan,” were “delivered to me unconditionally at Zurich with
cooperation 511 [Swiss Intelligence] . . . .” Dulles remarked that “Both men when taken out by SS assumed they being led to execution and neither yet knows, and should not know, why

On March 11, the Americans and the British notified the Soviets of the meeting.

Churchill went further and sought the Soviets’ opinion. Molotov responded that Soviet officers must participate in the talks. Averell Harriman, U.S. Ambassador to Russia, opined that no justification existed for participation by the Soviets, who would not allow the Anglo-Americans to participate in any similar case on the Eastern Front.

Indeed, the Americans resented British intervention in Sunrise, reflected in an instruction to Dulles: “Since AFHQ [Allied Force Headquarters] has placed full responsibility on OSS alone
to handle all arrangements, we do not deem it necessary or desirable to consult SOE [Special
Operations Executive].”

On March 12, Dulles reported intelligence from Parrilli that “Kesselring had been
summoned by Hitler and had just gone to Fuehrer headquarters. Wolff expects him back in 3
days but there is a chance that he may never come back.” Dulles noted:

We suggested to Parrilli that Wolff indicate: 
A. What he proposes to do if Kesselring does not return. 
B. What he would do if he likewise ordered to report
to Fuehrer. 
C. If he refuses to report, what is his plan and what forces does he dispose of to carry it out. 
D. What areas could he temporarily control for possible contact with our forces if principal army commanders do not cooperate.

Dulles surmised that Hitler and Himmler may have been planning the evacuation of North Italy and that Kesselring would either cooperate, or receive a new command or prison.

On March 12, Dulles reported that Wolff had received a telegram from SD head Kaltenbrunner not to make contact in Switzerland as it would interfere with Kaltenbrunner’s plans. An SS official had leaked the possible contact to Kaltenbrunner. In addition, “Wolff is
having some difficulty explaining to underlings the disappearance of Parri and might wish to
dress him up as an exchange.” The perfect ruse would be to locate ex-Hitler adjutant Obersturmbannfuhrer Wuensche, who became a POW at Normandy, and to turn him over to the

A March 14 message posed questions as to how arrangements had been made for entry of
AFHQ representatives. “(A) were negotiations to be made without knowledge of Swiss
government, and (B) could similar arrangements be made for Russian generals without risk of
incident even though Swiss and Soviet governments were not in diplomatic accord?” “AFHQ’s
reply was that to best of their knowledge Swiss government knew nothing of negotiations although members of Swiss SI had been used as intermediaries. AFHQ was confident that OSS
could introduce Soviet representatives in clandestine manner.”21

On the morning of March 14, Parrilli appeared with information on the intrigues of Kaltenbrunner, including his proposed meeting with Burckhardt (formerly of International Red Cross) and that he was attempting to contact the Allies. Dulles instructed Parrilli to advise Wolff that OSS paid no regard to these actions, “but that we were apprehensive that Himmler and Kaltenbrunner were trying to throw up a smoke screen by starting a peace offensive based on
prisoner of war, laborer and refugee situation, and possibly on his talks with Burckhardt.”

That evening, Dulles instructed Husmann about any future meeting with the Germans “that there could be no question of negotiating, that the principle of ‘unconditional surrender’ and the Yalta statement of policy were fully applicable, and the meeting would have no utility, unless this was recognized at the outset.”

On the evening of March 14, two emissaries from Caserta met Dulles at Annemasse: U.S. Major General Lyman L. Lemnitzer, Deputy Chief of Staff to Field Marshal Alexander, and
British Major General Terence S. Airey, Alexander’s Chief Intelligence Officer. Alexander was Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean Theater.

The next day the generals slipped into Switzerland under assumed names – Lemnitzer was “Nicholson” and Airey was “McNeely.” (These were actually names of OSS officers – the
generals took their dog tags as false identifications.)

They then settled in at a secluded estate at Ascona belonging to a relative of Gaevernitz. Using Parrilli as a messenger, Dulles summoned Wolff to meet them there.

Uncertainties due to the Soviet demand to participate continued. AFHQ notified Dulles:

“Combined Chiefs of Staff have informed us that Russian representatives will not join you but
will take part discussions here on arrival [of] German delegation.”

Further, “Field Marshal also requested instructions from them earliest; otherwise, proceedings might be delayed owing to
the absence of the Russian Representative.”

On March 19, Wolff arrived to meet with Dulles and Gaevernitz in Ascona (described in reports only as “a place near Locarno”). Also present for the afternoon meetings were Lemnitzern and Airey. Lemnitzer and Airey used assumed names and were introduced as military advisors.

Two hours of talks between Wolff and Dulles were recorded in detail.26 Wolff had believed the propaganda that the tide might still turn with the new secret weapons, such as the Dusenjaeger. “His trips to Switzerland had sufficed to clear his mind of this fog, and that he was now convinced in his mind as to what he must do for his homeland and that he was prepared to stand or fall by the enterprise in which he was engaged.”

Wolff disclosed the forces under his control. As Hoechster SS u. Polizei-Fuehrer (Higher SS and Police leader), Wolff commanded “15,000 Germans, 20,000 Russians (Cossacks, Don
Kubans and Turcomans), 10,000 Serbs, 10,000 Slovenes, 5,000 Czechs and Indian Legion, and 100,000 Italians, militia, black shirts and the X mas.” 

As Bevollmaechtingter General der Deutschen Wehrmacht (plenipotentiary for the German Wehrmacht) in Italy, Wolff commanded 10,000 Germans as well as under his tactical command 55,000 German service, supply and similar troops.

General Kesselring had been replaced as Wehrmacht commander in Italy by General von Vietinghoff, who Wolff described as “a non-political soldier” who “would not be an easy man to gain over to a political action unless he had support of others in the Wehrmacht.” Wolff was friendly with the newcomer but had not discussed surrender with him.

Wolff was willing to give Dulles extremely sensitive information. The following exchange is illustrative:
110 [Dulles] remarked that his military friends had never understood why the
Germans had continued to maintain a large force in North Italy, given the present
German military situation. Critic [Wolff] then repeated and expanded what he
had previously said, viz. that the orders had been all prepared and approved by
Hitler for an evacuation of a large part of North Italy in September 1944.
These in effect were the arguments they used at that time and Hitler swung over
and subsequently had been opposed to evacuation for the same reasons that
impelled him to hold on in Norway and other such areas. Hitler was afraid of
what they call a Raeumungs-psychose, fearing that this would become epidemic
after the complete defeat in France and lead to a complete breakdown.
Wolff told Dulles that he refused to obey Kaltenbrunner’s demand to end any contacts in
Switzerland in favor of Kaltenbrunner developing his own peace feelers. Wolff also refused to
meet with Kaltenbrunner in Innsbruck because he was needed in the absence of Kesselring.
Wolff regarded “the idea of a German reduit in the Alps” as “madness” which would “only bring
untold and unnecessary suffering on the German people,” exclaiming that “everything must be
done to prevent it.”

Dulles stated that complicated military matters must be settled to effectuate a surrender.

“It was easy to start a war but difficult to stop one.” Preliminarily, prisoners could be delivered
to the Allies. This would be a perfect cover for Wolff, for if “any question ever arose as to the
reasons for his trips to Switzerland, he would state that it was in connection with prisoner
exchange matters.”
Dulles repeated much of the above conversation in a telegram to Donovan.27 As Dulles
clarified, Wolff did not wish to initiate isolated action without coordination with the OKW (German Armed Forces High Command), as he would be caught between German armies in the
north and south. He had not had a chance to discuss surrender with Vietinghoff. “Hence Critic [Wolff] proposed proceed immediately to Emperor’s [Kesselring] headquarters and endeavor get
Emperor and Westphal [his chief of staff], whom he highly regarded, to join in common action, which case he felt sure Vietinghoff would go along.” Wolff realized the military situation left little time, as “German headquarters Italy expected an offensive before end of month. (To our 511 [Swiss Intelligence] contact Critic mentioned that they were expecting attack about March

Wolff crossed the border back to Italy that evening (March 19) with the intent to travel by car to meet with Kesselring. Dulles believed that Wolff was “sincere in his desire to effect immediate German surrender” and in his opposition to “the German reduit plan,” which would “merely cause untold additional useless destruction and slaughter.”

On March 20, Airey reported military intelligence to AFHQ gained from the meeting with Wolff. He sized up Wolff as “a strong personality, active and intelligent,” but “has crafty
appearance, 3 chins and fat fingers with diamond rings. . . . 

Disillusioned and takes realistic view of situation.” Besides giving the above description of forces under his command, “Critic handed
in useful map giving German idea of Partisan order of battle and dispositions.” Wolff explained that Hitler cancelled his plan to evacuate Italy thinking that the line could be held, food supplies
and industry there remained valuable, the airfields must not be open to the Allies, and retreat would lead to a defeatist psychology. Airey commented on Wolff’s opposition to a national redoubt in the south: “Understand that coachman’s [Kaltenbrunner] representative has also referred to existence of such a plan and states that [Steyrwerke] all being put underground.”

Lemnitzer reported by radio to Field Marshal Alexander at AFHQ additional details about the Wolff meeting, explaining:

Throughout the whole meeting Critic made no reference to any conditions of surrender and did not attempt to bargain. He was prepared to go either to Vietinghoff or Emperor [Kesselring] with proposals of surrender, and was also prepared to take in our wireless operators, which was arranged to take effect on
his return. It seemed possible, therefore, that he had considerable confidence in obtaining support, and we gained the impression that he had already gone further with Emperor than he had previously admitted.

Lemnitzer followed up with another message to AFHQ on March 21. Arrangements were being planned to meet near Lucerne with Wolff and staff officers of Kesselring and/or Vietinghoff.

Donovan summarized the Ascona meeting to Roosevelt on the 21st, emphasizing that

“Wolff has stressed particularly that it would be a crime against the German people if the ‘reduit plan’ were realized, since it would merely cause untold further useless destruction and slaughter."

Meanwhile, bitter notes were being exchanged between the Americans and the Soviets, highlighted by Molotov’s charge on March 23 that the Anglo-Americans were negotiating
behind the back of the Soviets and demanding that the “Bern” negotiations be ended.

On March 24, Roosevelt wrote the first of three letters to Stalin on Sunrise. (The letters were actually drafted by Admiral Leahy with the assistance of Secretary Stimson and General Marshall, and approved by the President with minor revisions.) The first letter responded to Molotov’s demand that the investigation in Switzerland of a possible surrender of the German Army in Italy be stopped because of lack of participation by Soviet officers. Roosevelt responded that Field Marshal Alexander was authorized to send officers to Switzerland to determine whether surrender proposals were genuine, “and if it appeared to be of sufficient
promise, to arrange with any competent German officers for a conference with Field Marshal Alexander at his headquarters in Italy to discuss details of the surrender. Soviet representatives
would, of course, be present if such a meeting could be arranged.”

Roosevelt stated that the Soviet Government was immediately notified of the investigation in Switzerland, and was later informed that Soviet officers could be present at any meeting with German officers to discuss a surrender at Caserta. While attempts to arrange a meeting had been unsuccessful, any possibility of surrender would be pursued to avoid loss of life in the American Forces. The Soviets would do the same if the opportunity arose. “In such a
surrender of enemy forces in the field, there can be no political implications whatever and no violation of our agreed principle of unconditional surrender.”

The same day as the above letter, the OSS in Switzerland had more practical issues in mind. Dulles, his wife, and Gaevernitz traveled to Lucerne “to determine with Major W –[Waibel] the possibility of the use of ambulance for Critic and party to come to LU– [Lucerne] for meeting."

OSS Bern reported at the same time intelligence that the majority of the Austrian SS wished to liquidate the Nazi party and transfer rule to the Western Powers. SS elements wanting to continue the war, together with Bormann supporters and a number of the Gauleiters, would have to be eliminated. The informant (Hoettel) alleged that the “Alpine reduit would be finished and stocked in about 3 months, that Steyrwerke is already underground and producing particularly such defensive weapons as Panzer Faeuste. It is intended that Wehrmacht units as well as SS be taken into reduit including families of fighting men.”

The source of the above was “Picasso,” Prince Auersperg, who had met with Hoettel, Kaltenbrunner’s right-hand man. OSS Bern commented that “certain SS elements are trying to save their skins by turning to west, dropping their attacks against local anti-Nazi movements or even favoring them and preparing to follow line which will obviate necessity of their joining diehards in last ditch struggle in reduit. . . . It seems to me that these trends offer possibility of checkmating any effective organization German reduit.”

OSS Bern noted on March 25: “A report from a reliable Swiss source states that the Nazis have lost control of the situation and that separate individual authorities have superseded the United Command. According to this report, various Wehrmacht units are depending for supplies and equipment only on materials available in zones adjacent to their individual localities. . . . It is further stated that no single authority has control. It would be impossible for Germany to surrender as a whole. Collapse is imminent.”

Lemnitzer and Airey sized up the situation as follows:

Not only does Glazier’s [von Vietinghoff] command comprise many of the best divisions in the German army but it may soon be the only German army group left intact in the West and South. It is likely moreover that this force has been earmarked for eventual withdrawal into, and more prolonged resistance in, the national redoubt. Therefore, if Glazier can be persuaded to surrender as a result of action by critic [Wolff] and emperor [Kesselring] it may be feasible to forestall continuation of war in Austria and South Germany.

A March 27 message to OSS Bern stated: “Nazis believe Kesselring will be able to hold off allied armies while party leaders withdraw to mountain strongholds: But old line officers are
persuaded army cannot stand further losses.” It added that von Rundstedt had been dismissed for his note to Hitler that the situation was hopeless and advising an unconditional armistice.
“This note said to have arrived at Fuehrer’s HQ just as Himmler had produced evidence von Rundstedt’s son was implicated in 20 July Affair.” That affair was, of course, the 1944 attempt
on Hitler’s life. Von Rundstedt was confined on the family estate and his son was imprisoned.

Donovan wrote an assessment of the situation to Roosevelt on March 27, repeating several of the above transmissions.“Through two emissaries, Kaltenbrunner reports the existence of an opposition group within the Austrian SS which is anxious to liquidate the Nazi Party in Austria and to arrange for the orderly transfer of administrative functions to the Western Powers.” The group wished to serve as a “transitional regime” and not join “the Nazi die-hards in a last-ditch struggle in the German ‘redoubt’.” Dulles – identified as “the OSS representative” – saw this as an opportunity “to drive a wedge into Nazi leadership and thereby reduce the effectiveness of German ‘redoubt’ plans.”

Catholic and Social Democratic opposition groups in Austria would support anti-Communist elements wishing to end the war. These elements desired “to open to the Western Allies the route to Vienna via Zagreb in the hope of avoiding a Soviet occupation of the Austrian capital.” Hoettel had declared that:

the Alpine “redoubt” would be finished and stocked in about three months. The Steyrwerke, he said, is already underground, producing such defensive weapons as Panzer Faeuste. The Nazis intend to take Wehrmacht as well as SS units into the “redoubt”, he added, and even the families of the troops.

The possibility of a redoubt continued to be taken seriously. Dulles analyzed the situation thus:

However, some sort of reduit seems inevitable from the force of circumstances, and some stocking of this reduit has been carried out. Elaborate fortifications are not in themselves necessary to make a mountain area, such as the Tyrol and Bavarian Alps, a formidable fortress if defended by resolute men with training in
mountain warfare. Very possibly, the Nazis can still find and pull together in the Alps enough of these troops, plus some determined and fanatical SS divisions . . .to make a determined stand.

Stalin responded to Roosevelt’s March 25th missive on the 29th,43 complaining that “the Soviet representatives were refused participation in the discussions in Bern with the Germans
regarding the possibility of capitulation of German troops and opening the front to Anglo-American troops in Northern Italy.” Stalin worried that the Germans would “use these negotiations for shifting of their troops to other sections of the front and, first of all, to the Soviet front.” He alleged that the negotiations had in fact allowed the Germans to shift three divisions from Northern Italy to the Soviet front. Stalin claimed that the German troops in Northern Italy did not face annihilation and yet sought negotiations, proving that “they have different, more serious aims relating to the fate of Germany.” 

He was right in that the Germans feared Soviet occupation more than Western occupation. Stalin concluded that if a similar situation opened the Eastern Front to Soviet troops – an unlikely scenario – he would not hesitate to “inform immediately the Anglo-American Military Command and to request it to send their representatives for participation in negotiations as in such cases the Allies should have no secrets from each other.” 

Yet it seems preposterous to assume that the Soviets would not have accepted any major German surrender without first summoning the Anglo-Americans to participate in the talks.

Far from shifting troops to the Eastern Front, Donovan wrote Roosevelt about intelligence from Dulles that “Hitler intends to use the bulk of the German forces in Italy for the defense of the German ‘redoubt’.”

The talks with Wolff could nip that plan in the bud.

OSS Bern reported on March 29 that certain groups were aware of and interested in the success of Sunrise. This included “certain elements of Swiss Intelligence Service (and therefore very possibly members of the Swiss government) and finally a few persons in North Italian Commercial and Industrial Circles.” Noting “the cordial cooperation on part of Swiss intelligence officer,” it added that “Swiss are clearly interested in peaceful surrender in North
Italy both because they wish to avoid pressure against their frontier by disorganized German and fascist troops and to preserve their commercial relations with Italy and regain use of port of Genoa.”

Why did German forces which would have furnished a major portion of “national redoubt” forces wish to surrender? “It seems possible now that influential army and SS circles realize futility and unnecessary destruction involved in conception of last stand in redoubt and wish to save Austria and Bavaria from becoming battlefield. They may also wish to prevent destruction of divisions while on Italian front or alternatively to prevent their being cast
piecemeal by Hitler to maelstrom in Germany.”

Roosevelt responded to Stalin on March 31, insisting: “No negotiations for surrender
have been entered into, and if there should be any negotiations they will be conducted at Caserta
with your representatives present throughout.” 

The meeting in question, while so far fruitless, was solely to  contact German officers, not to negotiate. Negotiations would not allow the Germans to transfer forces elsewhere, and Alexander with his seventeen divisions, opposed by twenty-four German divisions, would continue the offensive and seek to prevent withdrawal of German forces from Italy.

As for Stalin’s accusation that negotiations allowed the Wehrmacht to move three divisions from Italy to the Eastern front, Roosevelt pointed out that this took place “weeks before anybody heard of any possibility of a surrender. It is therefore clearly evident that the approach made by German agents in Bern occurring after the last movement of troops began could not possibly have had any effect on the movement.”

Roosevelt added an argument that did not reflect awareness of the emerging conflict within the German leadership. “This entire episode has arisen through the initiative of a German officer reputed to be close to Himmler,” and thus possibly “his sole purpose is to create suspicion and distrust between the Allies. There is no reasons why we should permit him to succeed in that aim.” 

As events would prove, Wolff was pursuing the surrender initiative
contrary to Himmler’s orders.

On April 1, Dulles passed on a report by Zimmer, Wolff’s aide.47 Wolff made his way to Kesselring’s headquarters when “hell had already broken loose. First conversation took place only 15 km. from our advancing forces. Critic [Wolff] presented his plan for Italian surrender and Emperor [Kesselring] advised him to go through with it.”

However, Kesselring could not surrender as he “found himself largely surrounded by strangers whom he did not trust. Zimmer
gained impression from Critic [that] Emperor was half a prisoner.” The report continued:

While in Germany and one of reasons for delay, Critic was summoned by Himmler, who asked him to explain his surrender of British agent Tucker. Critic replied that he was arranging an exchange and he wanted to give the Fuehrer Wuensche as birthday present. Himmler also accused him of having been in Switzerland and asked the reasons. Critic answered that he had a contact in Milan who promised to bring him in touch with Allies and that he was acting pursuant Fuehrer’s recent secret order to seek any possible contact with Allies. . . . Himmler ordered Critic to wait around for a couple of days as he wanted to think the matter over. 

However, Himmler was suddenly called urgently to Hungary and
referred Critic to Kaltenbrunner. Himmler told him that he should not leave Italy and particularly that he should not go to Switzerland. Critic did not see Kalternburnner but left for Italy.

Kesselring said to Wolff that “our situation is desperate, nobody dares tell truth to Fuehrer who surrounded by small group of advisers who still believe in a last specific secret weapon which they call ‘Verzweiflunge’ weapon. Emperor believed this weapon can prolong war but not decide it, but might cause terrible blood bath on both sides. Emperor said if Fuehrer gave him order to use weapon he would surrender his command.”

Also on April 1 a succession of messages were received from Wolff’s headquarters. 

They implored: “Do not attack the remaining German centers of resistance in the cities.
Surrender will be arranged from here."

 A further message stated: “In spite of promise that was
given, today at 2000 hours an air attack on Gen. Wolff’s Bolzano HQ from low-flying planes.
We ask again that this cease.”

Still another: “The bombing of HQ at Bolzano on the evening of
the 29th scored no direct hit. Bombs fell 50 meters to one side. The SS are mad.”

“Since 2000 there have been repeated night bombings of Wolff’s HQ. Will you please ask
cessation of any attack on West side of Bolzano in as much as it makes our task far more

At a planned second meeting in Ascona on April 2, Dulles, Lemnitzer, and Airey hoped to meet with Wolff, but disappointingly only Parrilli appeared instead. Yet the intelligence was valuable. Dulles would inform the OSS hierarchy the next day about Himmler’s activities seeking to make his own deal with the Allies and to negate Wolff’s progress. Parrilli reported
that Himmler had ordered Wolff not to leave northern Italy and had moved Wolff’s family within his clutches.

According to Wolff, Vietinghoff saw it as “nonsense to go on fighting” but “received instructions in case of general Allied attack to withdraw to Alps fighting (kaempfend abzusetzen) destroying as they went.” Kesselring knew that combat could continue only a few more days and that “Germany was facing catastrophe.” Wolff asked Parilli to tell Dulles that in ten days “they could hand over North Italy on silver platter.”

Dulles sent Parilli back to Wolff to admonish that military surrender must be quick, that northern Italy not be destroyed, and that Allied and partisan POWs be protected. Noting that “Himmler from possible German reduit might increasingly exercise terroristic influence,” Dulles implored that any delay in surrendering would only worsen matters. On April 3, Stalin answered Roosevelt’s second letter,  referring to the “negotiations in Bern” which allegedly had “ended in an agreement with the Germans, on the basis of which the German commander on the Western Front - Marshal Kesselring, has agreed to open the front and permit the Anglo-American troops to advance to the East, and the Anglo-Americans have promised in return to ease for the Germans the peace terms.” This was somehow proven by “the fact that the Anglo-Americans have refused to admit to Bern representatives of the Soviet Command for participation in the negotiations with the Germans.”

Further demonstrating how misinformed he was, Stalin cited how the British had remained silent, “although it is known that the initiative in this whole affair with the negotiations in Bern belongs to the British.” As a result of the separate negotiations, concealed from the Russians, “the Anglo-American troops get the possibility to advance into the heart of Germany almost without any resistance on the part of the Germans,” for “the Germans on the Western front in fact have ceased the war against England and the United States. At the same time the Germans continue the war with Russia, the Ally of England and the United States.”

Dulles later reflected that “what worried the Russians most was that we might get into Trieste and Venezia Giulia before they did.”

Stalin wished to discourage the Anglo-American
advance also to enhance Soviet occupation in Germany.
William D. Leahy requested a memorandum from General Marshall on which to base a reply to Stalin, adding: “This is a new statement of the Soviet suspicion which might be answered by telling U.J. [Uncle Joe] something about the difficulties that Eisenhower encountered in disorganizing the German Armies on the Rhine.”

Stalin would not have been persuaded.

Roosevelt’s response to Stalin on April 456 expressed “astonishment” with the assertion that Bern agreements permitted Anglo-American troops to advance in return for easy peace
terms. Roosevelt repeated that “no negotiations were held in Bern” and that Soviet officers would be welcomed at any meeting to discuss unconditional surrender. After tributes to U.S.-
Soviet friendship and the collapse of the German resistance, Roosevelt insisted: “I am certain that there were no negotiations in Bern at any time, and I feel that your information to that effect
must have come from German sources which have made persistent efforts to create dissension between us in order to escape in some measure for responsibility for their war crimes. If that was Wolff’s purpose in Bern your message proves that he has had some success.”

After expressing fear that “one of the great tragedies of history” could occur from “such distrust,” Roosevelt concluded: “Frankly I cannot avoid a feeling of bitter resentment toward your informers, whoever they are, for such vile misrepresentations of my actions or those of my trusted subordinates.”

Negotiations were indeed not taking place. Donovan informed Roosevelt: “Wolff is convinced that if he were now to make a false move or to leave his headquarters for Switzerland,
his whole project for a surrender in North Italy would fail and he would be liquidated. He believes that Himmler has given special instructions that he be watched. Accordingly, he feels it is impossible for him to come to Switzerland now.” He warned against delay, “since from the ‘redoubt’ Himmler may exercise an increasingly terroristic influence.”

British Prime Minster Churchill, in an April 5 letter to Roosevelt, observed that “the Soviet leaders . . . . are surprised and disconcerted at the rapid advance of the Allied armies in
the west and the almost total defeat of the enemy on our front especially as they say they are themselves in no position to deliver a decisive attack before the middle of May. All this makes it
the more important that we should join hands with the Russian armies as far to the east as possible and if circumstances allow, enter Berlin.” 

Churchill recalled that “we proposed and thought we had arranged six weeks ago provisional zones of occupation in Austria, but since Yalta the Russians have sent no confirmation of these zones. Now that they are on the eve of taking Vienna and very likely will occupy the whole of Austria, it may well be prudent for us to hold as much as possible in the north.”

On April 6, Dulles wrote to Donnovan that the press may have exaggerated the extent of the German reduit, but that evidence existed that “sufficient supplies and weapons have been
stored in inner reduit to equip with light arms and feed approximately 25,000 men for period of year.” The inner reduit included an area southwest of Salzburg around Berchtesgaden, and an area extending to the Feldkirch area based on the Swiss frontier. An outer reduit would stretch from parts of Austria and northern Italy to the Swiss frontier southwest of Munich.

Dulles also wrote Donnovan that Swiss Intelligence chief Roger Masson enquired whether Dulles wished to contact Shellenberg of the German SD, apparently with the idea of “opening west front but holding east front.” Dulles “told Masson west front was already opened up without Shellenberg help,” and reiterated the unconditional surrender mantra. However,
“Masson had information that Kesselring has already abandoned his command as hopeless,” and
Swiss Intelligence “intercepted message for FHP/FHQ to German Generals on West Front to act
on their own responsibility as they might not be able receive orders from HQ for several days .
Maybe they are moving to the reduit?”60
Stalin responded to Roosevelt’s letter on April 7.61 He insisted that “at any meeting with
the Germans on questions of capitulation by representatives of one of the Allies arrangements
have to be made for the participation in this meeting of representatives of the other Ally.”
However, the Americans and English “rejected the Russians the right of participation in the
meeting with the Germans in Switzerland,” something the Russians would never do. Stalin
asserted that the Germans were resisting in the East but not the West:
They continue to fight savagely with the Russians for some unknown junction
Zemlianitsa in Czechoslovakia which they need as much as a dead man needs
poultices, but surrender without any resistance such important towns in Central
Germany as Osnabrück, Mannheim, Kassel. Don’t you agree that such a behavior
of the Germans is more than strange and incomprehensible.
If the Germans may have been fighting the Russians harder, it would have had nothing to
do with the conversations in Switzerland. The Germans well knew that the Communists would
be a far more brutal occupier, not to mention that the Russians would seek revenge for the
German excesses in the East.
An April 7 report from OSS London noted that Kaltenbrunner could not approach the
Western Powers without Schellenberg and Himmler finding out. “Source thinks it probable
Himmler using Kaltenbrunner and Hoettl in hope of embroiling western powers with
negotiations likely to become known. Hoettl known to have been in close touch summer 1944
with Hungarian and Slovak circles in contact with Russia.”62
Meanwhile, the Americans and Swiss were exchanging broader intelligence than that
related to Sunrise. Airey sent Dulles intelligence on the Italian, Yugoslav and Austrian Fronts,
promising weekly updates. “You may release if you wish items of intelligence to Swiss should
this be likely to help you as bargaining factor.”63 He added in a later dispatch, “No objection to
giving our Swiss friend snippets from summaries if done discreetly and whole picture is not
given him at any one time.”

After receiving a message from Wolff through Parrilli, Dulles reported on April 9 that “Sunrise matter has revived” – Wolff had reported meeting with Vietinghoff and his Chief of Staff, Roettinger, and that “principle of unconditional surrender not questioned provided it can be honorable surrender.” The Germans “confirmed that they will do everything possible to
prevent destruction, limit warfare against partisans, and protect prisoners and hostages.” Wolff recognized the “futility and uselessness of further fighting,” but “Vietinghoff is old line soldier
and insists that surrender be dressed up so as to be compatible with his ‘military honor’ and not place him in position of being traitor.” Dulles concluded that it was “difficult to tell whether
they playing for time or have serious intentions to surrender.”

Yet on the morning of April 10, Roosevelt wrote to Stalin, thanking him for “your frank explanation of the Soviet point of view of the Bern incident which now appears to have faded into the past without having accomplished any useful purpose.” Abhorring any future “mutual distrust and minor misunderstandings of this character,” Roosevelt predicted that “when our armies make contact in Germany and join in a fully coordinated offensive the Nazi armies will disintegrate.”

Roosevelt died later that same day.

Reflecting the above view, Lemnitzer warned Dulles on April 11 that Wolff’s outreach was only a ruse. “Germans are endeavoring to make Russians believe negotiations have been
and are going on in Berne behind their backs.” 

Their release of Parri was only “a plot to further that end.” Moreover, the “Swiss newspapers were informed through German sources that Parri and others had been released to Switzerland in connection with negotiations going on there.”

The message concluded:

There is certain evidence that this plot to prove to Russians that negotiations are already in progress behind their backs has already achieved considerable success.

We feel that it is very doubtful that Critic [Wolff] did in fact visit Emperor [Kesselring] and we believe that he has acted, possibly on behalf of Himmler, with the dual object of feeling us out for possible terms of surrender in North Italy and at the same time attempting to obtain ammunition to embroil us with the

Despite such discouragement, Dulles moved forward. He responded to Lemnitzer that Gaevernitz should meet with the Germans to expedite the surrender. Dulles noted: “Your
Ascona host is sincerely convinced that if allowed to make trip he could have real influence in persuading Glazier [Vietinghoff] of necessity of immediate and complete capitulation. His
arguments are impressive and whether or not he succeeds in that particular task intelligence obtained might be valuable.” Fending off use of the word “negotiations,” Dulles concluded that
the “idea that at this stage and with Germans thoroughly beaten we would stoop to negotiations is in itself ludicrous and hence any attempt to exploit his trip from this angle [is] not likely to
have any repercussions."

Dulles wrote Lemnitzer again on April 12, assuring him that “Nothing in writing has been or will be given” and acknowledging that “we must play our cards close to our chest.”

Dulles queried Lemnitzer, “If there is satisfactory evidence that Critic did not visit Emperor this would naturally throw grave suspicion on entire Crossword. It would be helpful to know
whether your doubt is based on evidence or deduction.” Noting that six months ago he would have believed that Wolff was “merely maneuvering,” Dulles wrote: “Today I consider at least 50
percent chance it is genuine but agree sufficient margin of doubt to make every precaution necessary. Swiss SI [Secret Intelligence] have rarely been fooled by Nazis in such matters.”

Lemnitzer replied with an argument based not on facts, but on policy with the Russians:

“Our doubt based on operational situation which prevailed in west at time of his alleged visit and fact that period during which visit was supposed to have made was used to make mischief with Russians. We believe that there is always an even chance that Germans will in any case attempt [to] make trouble between allies whatever happens.”

At the same time, Bern OSS reported that anti-Nazi exiles had formed a committee “apparently with tacit Swiss approval entitled ‘Das Demokratische Deutschland.’” Prominent
members of the group “are well known to us.” It acquired the German colony newspaper Deutsche Zeitung in Der Schweiz, which “will now turn complete somersault.”

For radio communication with Wolff, Dulles surreptitiously sent the Czech radio operator Vaclav Hradecky, nicknamed “Little Wally,” to Wolff’s headquarters. Dulles warned
Caserta that “any message from him will be material received from Critic, Parilli, Zimmer etc.

and all messages must therefore be carefully scrutinized as possible plants or double-cross.”

However, it would provide quick communication “in event they wish [to] send parliamentarians or advise us re sending couriers here . . . .”

On April 14, the British Embassy demanded to the U.S. Department of the State that the Sunrise talks be terminated due to Soviet objections:

His Majesty’s Government feel that there is no object in any Allied representatives remaining in contact with German emissaries in Switzerland.

Having regard to the effect which this matter has had upon the Soviet Government, His Majesty’s Government therefore regard it as essential that all contact should at once be discontinued.

Prime Minister Churchill wrote to President Truman the next day supporting the Soviet objections to Sunrise. The Truman Administration then began the termination of Sunrise
Smith 74 & Agarossi, Operation Sunrise, without having consulting the OSS or Caserta.74 Meanwhile, Dulles met in Paris with Donovan, who informed Dulles of the details of the recent Soviet machinations to eliminate Sunrise.

On April 17, Caserta wrote Dulles: “Heavy pressure is now being applied on Italian front and if Critic and Glazier ever needed a prod to make them act that prod is now being vigorously
applied on our front where everything including kitchen stoves are being thrown at Germans.”

It was reported that “in the Eastern sector enemy has resisted stubbornly but forced back,” and
that “orderly withdrawal begun.”

Dulles answered that “Himmler may now either eliminate Critic or attempt use him to help Himmler himself establish some contact.” 

While Dulles stated that he would have nothing
to do with Himmler, “Possibility that Critic might still be used to help effect General or Italian Theater capitulation not completely excluded.”

Dulles wrote Caserta on April 18 that, “While Critic’s trip North will make us doubly circumspect in any Crossword contacts, there still remains interesting intelligence possibilities.”

Dulles urged:
It seems obvious and from their viewpoint natural that Russians should do everything possible to block realization of Crossword. Its success would mean that our forces Italy would probably be first to occupy Trieste, which from various indications received here now constitutes an even more important objective for Russians than Berlin. If Crossword or something like it fails and
Germans retreat fighting to Adige line, then in all probability Russians will reach Trieste ahead of us. In my opinion this largely explains Russian susceptibility re Crossword about which I obtained additional info when in Paris.

While I realize we will deal openly and fairly with our Russian Allies, this should not preclude us from doing everything possible to bring about quick surrender which would save the lives of our troops and bring us into the heart of German reduit.

While Wolff could be playing games with the connivance of Hitler and Himmler, the unconditional surrender of the Germans in Italy remained the goal. The Germans would face the “alternative of surrender to our forces or to Russians or possibly scrambling back into reduit if transportation still exists.” Most would prefer surrender to the Western Allies. Further, common action by Kesselring, von Vietinghoff, and Wolff “would help checkmate any reduit possibilities.”

In his book on Sunrise, Dulles expanded on the above. If there was no quick surrender “and the Germans, still fighting, fell back in a tight defensive knot west of Venice under the shadow of the Alps, then Communist forces, either Soviet troops coming across Hungary or Tito’s followers reaching up out of Yugoslavia, supported by the pro-Communist partisans, would be in Trieste and possibly west of there before we arrived.”

According to Rudolf Rahn, German intelligence intercepted a message from Stalin urging Tito to attack across Northern
Italy to the French border. Joining with French Communist partisans, this could have led to Communist control of France and Italy.

On April 20, OSS Washington cabled Dulles that the “JCS [Joint Chiefs of Staff] directs that OSS break off all contact with German emissaries at once. 110 [Dulles] is therefore instructed to discontinue immediately all such contacts.” Alleging that the Germans in Italy did not intend to surrender on acceptable terms, the message concluded that, “especially in view of complications which have arisen with Russians, the US and British governments have decided OSS should break off contacts; that JCS are so instructing OSS; that whole matter is to be regarded as closed and that Russians be informed through Archer and Deane.”

(The latter two were Allied Military Representatives in Moscow.)
Dulles read the above on arriving at his office on the morning of April 21. He also received a note from Caserta still hoping that “the vast expenditure of effort on this project will one day bear fruit and hasten the surrender of German forces in North Italy which must
inevitably take place. If the effort so expended results in saving of a single allied life it will not have been in vain.”

A not so sympathetic message from Caserta ordered that Dulles “advise when you have succeeded in breaking off all contacts, so we may tell JCS orders have been carried out.”
Dulles responded that he was “taking immediate steps” to do so, noting however that intermediary Parilli was expected to arrive soon with a report. Dulles opined that “we are breaking this contact a couple of days too soon and just at movement when we could judge whether or not something can be achieved,” but would follow orders. He would do so in a manner not to alienate a valuable resource:

This contact, originally initiated for intelligence purposes, was largely developed
through outstanding, competent and Allied friendly Swiss officer who has charge of Swiss intelligence work directed toward Germany, and who is rendering us
vital services in matters affecting reduit. I have task of effecting break in manner
not to alienate this contact which is potentially the most useful and important we
have for developing work directed against reduit.86
Caserta responded that, while the Washington directive “puts an end to Sunrise-
Crossword,” they remained interested in any information “the Swiss may gather from contacts
with these forbidden characters . . . .”87 Moreover, there was “no criticism on part of JCS [about]
the way you have handled negotiations, but protest from 1 of our Allies for not being brought
into the negotiations in the beginning brought about the decision.”

Dulles acknowledged that “I am taking immediate steps for full compliance. At present have no contact with Crossword personalities . . . .” Further, “I shall advise Parrilli that I have
no further time to give to matter which now has dragged beyond all bounds and has failed to
effect only objective we had in mind, viz., immediate unconditional surrender.” However,
“Swiss intelligence for their own purposes will probably desire to retain contact with Parrilli et
al., but over this I have no control and it is solely their concern.”89
However, on April 23 Caserta objected that Dulles’ statement about the Swiss “might be
construed as continuation of Sunrise negotiations and should not be pursued.” The message
We assume your reference to Swiss intermediaries relates to the past and not to
any continuing relationship on this question, but it is important that you confirm
this assumption, If, however, . . . the Swiss are acting completely on their own
and not as your intermediaries, any approaches by Sunrise personalities to Swiss
is a Swiss affair. Information coming to you from Swiss, acting wholly in their
own interests, and without instigation by you, direct or indirect, should properly
be transmitted.90
Events had gone too far just to turn off the spigot. April 23 would become “the longest
day” for Sunrise. Dulles urgently wrote that “Waibel telephoned from Chiasso that Critic and
others have left for Lucerne” and that “Glazier’s representative has serious and important
mission and powers.” “I told Waibel that pending further instructions I would not see Critic or
Glazier’s representative but that if he, Waibel, had info to communicate to me I would receive
it.” Dulles added “For Washington. Waibel is officer Swiss intelligence . . . .”

Caserta responded that Dulles must continue strictly to comply with the order to break off contact with Wolff, but that SACMED was recommending to the Combined Chiefs of Staff (CCS) in Washington that Dulles be authorized to contact German officers in Switzerland with full powers to surrender. The message continued, “Will be grateful if you will keep us informed of any intelligence which may be obtained via Swiss intermediaries.”

Dulles later notified his superiors that Wolff, his adjutant Wenner, and Lt. Col. Viktor von Schweinitz had arrived at Waibel’s house in Lucerne. That night Dulles “advised Parrilli in presence of Waibel and Husmann that on basis of info before us matter was no longer of interest to us . . . .” Parrilli revealed that Wolff and Schweinitz were ready to go to Allied Headquarters in Southern Italy to execute the surrender. Dulles told his superiors that he could offer no guarantee, “but Waibel’s statement carries much weight with me as to their willingness to do so.” If his superiors were not interested, Dulles dryly noted, “advise so that I may merely confirm that break is final and that there is not interest in having above emissaries go South.”

Caserta responded to Dulles: “Suggest you do everything you can to have Waibel and Husmann parry for time with Critic and Schweinitz until CCS make decision on SACMED’s
request to lift restriction on your contact with them.”94 Dulles responded that OSS Bern did not necessarily need “independent or substantive contact with them leaving such contact to you in
South where if you desired Russians could be present from beginning with no background of separate conversations here to trouble them.” Dulles and “our Swiss friends” believed that the
German emissaries had full power to surrender. Waibel advised that, given Dulles’ refusal to see them, Wolff and Schweinitz would return to Northern Italy.

Dulles’ intelligence mill was yielding striking results. He revealed “info given by Critic to Waibel and Husmann” on April 23, summarizing Wolff’s visit to Berlin:

1. Critic on first day of his visit to Berlin April 18 saw first Himmler
alone then after Himmler and Kaltenbrunner both meetings lasting many hours.
Kaltenbrunner appeared well informed on Critic’s 2 visits to Switzerland for
which K attacked Critic furiously. As to Hitler’s and his own personal future
Himmler spoke of 3 possibilities. A. Fight it out at Berlin. B. Retreat to
Northern redoubt. C. Retreat by plane to Berchtesgaden. As to last possibility
Himmler added that Hitler now did not like to fly but might do so in emergency.
2. On second day of visit Critic saw Hitler in a bunker about 2 hours
motor ride from center of Berlin. Hitler seemed in low spirits but not hopeless
and stated substantially “we must fight on to gain time. In 2 more months the
break between Anglo Saxons and Russians will come about and then I shall join
party which approaches me first it makes no difference which.” Critic tried to put in a word about senselessness of further destruction in Italy to which Hitler did
not react.

Caserta was grateful for the above information, and informed Dulles: “Our battle moving
very fast. Troops of 5th army approaching southern exits of Brenner Pass. Germans have been
so decisively defeated South of Po that resistance to our troops north of river is slight so far.”

Dulles then passed on more detailed intelligence “furnished us by Waibel.” Schweinitz had been involved in the July 20 assassination conspiracy against Hitler, and his American-born grandmother was a direct descendent of John Jay, one of the first chief justices of the U.S. Supreme Court. “Waibel considers he has excellent store of knowledge which would be useful
to us in connection with surrender and post surrender procedure.” Wolff also reported on the
explosive tension between the neo Fascists, communists, Wehrmacht, SS and other troops in
Northern Italy. Key Wehrmacht players were ready to act as a unit, including even Gauleiter
Hofer addition considered particular importance as he had been charged with
organizing werewolf formation Tyrol mountains. These formations to be created
partly from local population and partly from retiring soldiers particularly in case
of soldiers whose homes are overrun by Russians, who dare not return home and
have nothing to lose. Waibel points out that Hofer as descendant of Andreas
Hofer could command considerable prestige and if forced to become leader of
mountain bands might cause us considerable trouble. If we keep him in our camp
it would probably open one gate into reduit.98
On April 26, Dulles telegraphed Lemnitzer and Donovan that “Waibel reports [the]
following” intelligence:
1. As result of my refusal to have any contact with Critic. Latter returned
Northern Italy late evening April 25. His return further motivated by Critic’s
belief that his presence Northern Italy essential to control situation there,
especially to be certain that his personal orders to SS forces to protect political
prisoners and to avoid destruction Italian factories, power plants, etc. are
complied with, according to promise given to me in March. Critic also stated to
Waibel that he is facing possibility of Hitler and/or Himmler suddenly arriving by
air in his territory with attempt to take over command for which even he had to
prepare counter-measures.
2. Schweinitz and Wenner remain at Waibel’s house Luzern. Prior to
departure Critic left for Wenner full powers written on official stationary to act
and sign on his behalf. Both Schweinitz and Wenner are prepared to proceed
immediately to AFHQ with powers if desired by you.99
G Summary 100roup 226, E onf ttrhye 1 O10p,e Braotixo n2 ,S Fuonlrdiseer ,1 147 -. telegrams.
101To: Berne, Confirmation: TSR, 26 April 1945, #709, Sunrise. Glavin to 110 from AFHQ from
Nicholson. Crossword. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
102To: Berne, Confirmation: TSR, 26 April 1945, #710, Sunrise. Glavin to 110 from AFHQ from
Nicholson. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
103From: Washington, Action: TSR, 26 April 1945, #3282(9), Sunrise. 109 to 110 only, Berne #558.
Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
104From: Berne, Action: TSR, 27 April [1945], 773(9), Sunrise. Glavin from 110 for Nicholson. Record
Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
105From: Berne, Action: TSR, 27 April 1945, #778(9), Sunrise. Glavin from 110 for Nicholson. Record
Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.

Wolff would propose to Vietinghoff a proclamation that the forces in Northern Italy and
South Tyrol were separated from the high command and “therefore independent action will be
taken to end fighting, to avoid useless bloodshed, destruction and futile mountain warfare in
redoubt.” Wolff would urge Vietinghoff to send parliamentarians across the lines, but “Waibel
does not favor this alternative as he thinks Schweinitz particularly suited for task to go to
Finally, at 22:50 hours on April 26, Colonel Glavin cabled Dulles that the Combined
Chiefs of Staff had authorized him to arrange for Wenner and von Schweinitz to proceed
immediately to Allied Force Headquarters at Caserta. A plane would pick them up at Annecy.100
Lemnitzer wrote Dulles: “Reference my conversation before leaving Berne, strongly
suggest party be accompanied here by 476 [Gaevernitz]. Consider Waibel also would be of great
assistance if diplomatic reasons do not prevent his accompanying party.”101 In a further
clarification, Lemnitzer stated: “CCS instructions prescribe that there will be no bargaining or
negotiating whatever in Switzerland. Wenner and von Schweinitz must either proceed
immediately to AFHQ or else all contact must be discontinued.”102
Donovan telegraphed Dulles from Washington stressing that “there would be no
conference or discussion in Suisse. Critic and companion must go AFHQ at once or entire deal
is off. Russians have been told fact that this is done on request of Germany, and SACMED has
been instructed to invite a Russian representative to meeting.”103
However, Dulles notified Caserta on April 27 that, according to Waibel, Wolff was back
in Switzerland and, with Schweinitz and Wenner, was en route to the frontier at Buchs. Dulles
believed Schweinitz and Wenner could be intercepted near the border so that they could proceed
to Annecy for the surrender.104 The interception was successful, and Dulles reported:
“Schweinitz Wenner Waibel and 476 [Gaevernitz] will reach Geneva late tonight. They will all
proceed Caserta early Saturday subject to Waibel’s making necessary arrangements as to his trip
which he feels confident he can do.” Also, Waibel telephoned from Buchs stating that Wolff,
who was “determined to conclude matters immediately,” left there by car for Innsbruck to meet
with Kesselring.105
On April 28, Dulles reported that Schweinitz, Wenner and Gaevernitz would land at
Caserta at any moment. “Waibel had difficulty obtaining certain permission which are required

From: Berne, Action: TSR, 28 April 1945, #106 783. . . , Sunrise, Glavin from 110 for Nicholson.
Crossword. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
107Dulles, Secret Surrender, 200-12 (reprint of Gaevernitz report).
108Id. at 208-10.
109To: Berne, Confirmation: TSR, 29 April 1945, #732. Sunrise. Glavin to 110 from AFHQ from
Nicholson. Crossword. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
110To Bern, 30 April 1945, #734, From: AFHQ from Nicholson, To: Bern for 110 pass to Captain Mayr
from Waibel. Sunrise. Crossword. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
111From: Berne, Action: TSR, 20 April 1945, #796(9), Sunrise. Glavin from 110 for Nicholson. Record
Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.

view stringent rule that no Swiss officer can leave country without formal approval. Permission
obtained at 1200 hours and if plane has already left he can follow tomorrow. Consider his
presence with you extremely desirable.” Finally, Wolff arrived at Bolzano and, with his
associates, were awaiting the results of the trip by Schweinitz and Wenner.106

At Caserta on April 28-29, an unconditional surrender document was quickly drafted.

Generals Lemnitzer and Airey were present, as was Russian Major General A.P. Kislenko.

Terms were dictated by the Allies. It was agreed that to maintain discipline, German officers could keep their side arms until the surrender was complete. However, German troops would be
interned in prison camps, and would not just be demobilized and allowed to return to Germany.107

For the formal surrender, Lt. General W.D. Morgan stood at one end of a long table, and Schweinitz and Wenner at the other end. The instrument of surrender, to be effective May 2, was signed. Its first paragraph stated: “The German Commander-in-Chief Southwest hereby surrenders unconditionally all the forces under his command or control on land, at sea, and in the
air and places himself and these forces unconditionally at the disposal of the Supreme Allied Commander, Mediterranean Theatre of Operations.”108

Caserta notified Dulles that Schweinitz and Wenner had three copies of the instrument of surrender, and “should proceed [to] Bolzano quickest possible way traveling through Switzerland during evening and night. Please make necessary arrangements.” 

Waibel arrived just after they departed and would remain for the present.109 From there Waibel transmitted through OSS information to Swiss Captain Mayr, warning that certain retreating Wehrmacht troops may attempt to reach the Swiss border.110

On April 30, Dulles telegraphed Caserta: “476 [Gaevernitz] and his two companions

[Schweinitz and Wenner] passed thru Bern about midnight and expected at Buchs Frontier before dawn. Waibel’s associates Meyer and Barnes awaiting them there and making preparations [to] speed their further journey.”111 

However, Dulles later reported: Schweinitz and Wenner reached frontier early this morning where temporarily detained due [to] new Swiss order absolutely preventing crossing the frontier in any direction without approval highest Swiss
authorities so that even approval Waibel proved inadequate. I presented matter [to] high Swiss

Flash, From: Bern, Action: TSR, #799(9), Sunrise., Glavin from 112 110 for Nicholson. Record Group
226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.

113 Dulles, The Secret Surrender, 214-15. Dulles described Stucki as “Acting Minister for Foreign
Affairs,” but he was actually head of the Abteilung für Auswärtiges (Division for Foreign Affairs). The
Department of Foreign Affairs itself, the Ministry, was then and until the 1970s called the
Eidgenössisches Politisches Departement.

114 To: Walter personal to General Von Vietinghoff, From: Field Marshal Alexander, 30 April 1945.
Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.

115 From: Fairbury, To Marshal Alexander and to Dulles, 2 May 1945, Action: TSR, 2 May 1945, #18,

Sunrise. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
116 From: Fairbury, To Alexander, Action: TSR, 2 May 1945, #27. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2,
Folder 14 - telegrams.

political authority and approval asked about 1000 hours and party should have crossed immediately thereafter.”112
In fact, Schweinitz and Wenner, surrender papers in hand, were prevented from crossing
the hermetically-sealed border, and not even Waibel’s men could order a waiver. As Dulles later
related in his book, Gaevernitz telephoned Dulles at 7:00 a.m. explaining the situation. Dulles
telephoned head of the Division for Foreign Affairs Walter Stucki, and the two met immediately.
Dulles noted that “up to this point I had not disclosed to any member of the Swiss government
what I was doing, nor to the best of my knowledge had Waibel.” Dulles explained that the
Germans must cross the border to effect the surrender and avoid further violence in Northern
Italy, including possible guerrilla war in the mountains around Switzerland and a potential flood
of desperate soldiers attempting to flee into Switzerland. The situation was too urgent for
consultations. Stucki forthwith ordered the passage of Schweinitz and Wenner across the
Field Marshal Alexander addressed General Von Vietinghoff directly in a message
transmitted through “Little Wally” on April 30. He noted that Schweinitz and Wenner left
Caserta for Switzerland, but because of the Allied advance towards Innsbruck, they may have
difficulty delivering the Instrument of Surrender – “honorable terms of unconditional surrender
of all armed forces, land, sea and air under your command and control to take affect at 1200 hrs
Greenwich Mean Time on 2 May.” Alexander admonished Vietinghoff to “avoid further useless
bloodshed by ordering surrender agreed upon.”114
But chaos suddenly flared up in the German command. Owing to Hofer’s betrayal, on
April 30 Kesselring relieved Vietinghoff of his command. The order to cease hostilities
according to the surrender by the commander of the 10th and 14th Armies, Air General Pohl, and
Wolff resulted in an order for their arrest. Wolff requested an Allied rescue action with
parachute and/or armored troops. He also disclosed the location of 160 prominent hostages,
including relatives of Churchill, Molotov, and Stauffenberg.115
After further machinations, Vietinghoff sent an urgent message to Alexander that he had
been restored to his command by Kesselring, and asking “why are hostilities being continued
from the allied side,” given that the Germans had given orders “for the cessation of hostilities in
accordance with the terms agreed upon.”116

From: Fairbury, Action: TSR, 2 May 1945, #21, Sunrise, A 117 n Dulles Von General Wolff. Record
Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
118To: Fairbury, Confirmation: TSR, 3 May 1945, #29. Sunrise. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2,
Folder 14 - telegrams.
119To: Berne, Confirmation: TSR, 3 May 1945, #755, Sunrise. Glavin to 110 from AFHQ from
Nicholson, Crossword. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
120To: Berne, Confirmation: TSR, 3 May 1945, #758. Glavin to 110: Re Sunrise. Record Group 226,
Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
121From: Paris, To Glavin and Ryan, 6 May 1945, Caserta from 110 and 476, Paris #871 (4). Record
Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 14 - telegrams.
122Major General William J. Donovan, Office of Strategic Services, Washington, D.C., 15 May 1945.
Record Group 226, Entry 139, Box 60, Folder 553 - Sunrise.
123Incoming Message, From: Berne, D.T. Origin 05213, 6 June 1945, Action: TSR. formation: EG Files,
#901 (Washington #1068), Glavin from 110 For Lemnitzer. Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder

Dulles then received a message from Wolff that, after four hours of a heated telephonic
discussion with Kesselring, Wolff dispatched the radio signal: “For the sphere of command C in
C South West, I have subscribed to both the written and the verbal conditions of the Armistice
Agreement. For particular reasons, I request that all public announcement must be withheld for
48 hours.”117
Alexander responded to Vietinghoff through Little Wally that “have issued orders for
cessation of Hostilities in accordance with terms agreed upon. They are being strictly
In fact, on May 2 at 4:00 a.m., Kesselring approved the surrender. At 2:00 p.m.
Wehrmacht troops in Italy and the western areas of Austria began to lay down their arms.
Operation Sunrise was an accomplished fact.
In the days that followed, the principals evaluated the accomplishment. Caserta wrote
Dulles that Sunrise “spells the end of Nazi domination in Europe.”119 Sunrise was “an
outstanding feat which has saved lives and brought us all closer to swift conclusion of combat of
this European War.”120
Dulles and Gaevernitz wrote to Wolff: “We have visited AFHQ and reviewed the steps
taken to carry out the unconditional surrender as discussed at conversations we first held almost
two months ago. We believe that the work there initiated and the steps taken thereafter have
materially contributed to an early cessation of hostilities and the sparing of needless slaughter
and destruction and feel that we can all view with satisfaction the result thereby achieved.”121
Donovan wrote: “By this action on the part of the OSS, the war in Europe has been
brought to a successful conclusion much earlier than would have otherwise been possible, with
the consequent saving of many lives and much treasure.”122
Initial press reports falsely pictured Sunrise as a British initiative, although that was
quickly corrected. The Swiss role also became known. Dulles noted to Lemnitzer: “Swiss
attitude re publication including mention name of Waibel has undergone substantial change and
even Waibel now wishes his part to be known. In general Swiss desire to get some credit for
what they did and questions of neutrality now play little role.”

123 Dulles advised Washington
15 - Telegrams.
From: Washington, 19 June 1945 22132, Action: TSR, Eg Files 124 #3731(4), Further Reference your
5248(4). Record Group 226, Entry 110, Box 2, Folder 15 - Telegrams.
125Summary of the Operation Sunrise, 21.
126See Stephen G. Fritz, Endkampf: Soldiers, Civilians, and the Death of the Third Reich (Lexington:
University of Kentucky Press, 2004), excerpt at

that “Swiss no longer have objection to mention their participation and recent articles in Zurich
paper has covered this point quite fully.”124
Dulles and Gaevernitz wrote in their report on Sunrise that OSS efforts achieved “the
complete and unconditional surrender of the forces of the German Wehrmacht Italy and the
western areas of Austria . . . .” “Through its early and successful persuasion of Colonel General
Heinrich von Vietinghoff and SS General Karl Wolff, the two commanders of the Italian front,
to ignore Hitler’s and Himmler’s injunction to fight to the end, the Office of Strategic Services
was directly responsible for German troops and installations remaining intact, throughout the
long, preliminary stages of negotiations.” This resulted in the surrender of six to nine hundred
thousand enemy soldiers, which encouraged the general German surrender. Moreover, the
surrender in Italy preserved Italy and Austria from scorched-earth operations, protected political
prisoners, and otherwise prevented major loss to life and property.125
On this sixtieth anniversary of the surrender, it is worth remembering the role of Swiss
intelligence in expediting the unconditional surrender of the strongest remaining German force
on any front. In hindsight, Nazi preparations for extended resistance in an Alpine redoubt were
insufficient.126 But without the process leading to the surrender in Italy, German forces could
have been shifted and a bloody mountain guerilla resistance could have extended the war and the
loss of life. Plans for a Nazi “werewolf” resistance to the occupation could very well have been
realized, as today’s Iraq war exemplifies. In this episode and others, Switzerland helped to
shorten the war.
By the same token, American intelligence managed to pull off the great surrender despite
interference from Washington. While Roosevelt initially stood firm to Stalin, the British did not,
and the new Truman Administration was sufficiently clueless to order the OSS to appease the
Soviets by ordering the cessation of any contact with the key German leaders who were
attempting to deliver the surrender on a silver platter. While this may have very briefly
prolonged the war, the events were so far in progress that the reluctant American leaders had to
be knocked on the head by the silver platter to recognize that it meant the end of the war.
Going beyond the queries of who helped to shorten or to prolong World War II, it is
worth noting that the Americans beat the Soviets to Trieste, helping to block Communist
domination in Italy and beyond. Dulles recognized Stalin’s expansionist motives in opposing a
surrender such as Sunrise on the Western front. Switzerland was threatened by Soviet designs in
Central Europe, and Swiss intelligence in Sunrise played a role in assisting the Western powers
to bloc the spread of Soviet totalitarianism in Europe.
If Sunrise revealed tensions that would quickly culminate into the Cold War, the German
surrender in Northern Italy saved Russian lives as well as those of Anglo-Americans and
Germans. Partly because of the Sunrise talks, Wehrmacht troops were not transferred to fight on
the Eastern Front. Further, the Sunrise surrender presaged the general surrender celebrated as Victory in Europe Day. For this, Switzerland is owed a debt of gratitude for the assistance of her
intelligence service in ending World War II.

Allen Dulles, The Secret Surrender (New York: Harper & Row, 1 1966) (book based primarily on OSS
report prepared just weeks after the surrender). See also Bradley F. Smith & Elena Agarossi, Operation
Sunrise (London: André Deutsch, 1979); James Srodes, Allen Dulles: Master of Spies (Washington, D.C.:
Regnery, 1999).
2See R. Harris Smith, OSS: The Secret History of America’s First Central Intelligence Agency (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1972); Bradley F. Smith, The Shadow Warriors: O.S.S. and the Origins of
the C.I.A. (N.Y.: Basic Books, 1983).
3Max Waibel, Operation Sunrise: 1945 Kapitulation in Norditalien (Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn
Verlag, 1981; reprint: Schaffhausen: Novalis Verlag, 2002). On Swiss intelligence, including references
to Sunrise, see Pierre Th. Braunschweig, Secret Channel to Berlin (Philadelphia: Casemate, 2004); Jon
Kimche, Spying for Peace (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1961).
4Wolff wrote no memoirs, but one of his Sunrise colleagues did. Eugen Dollmann, Call Me Coward
(London: William Kimber, 1956). See also Shraga Elam, Hitlers Fälscher (Wien: Verlag Carl
Ueberreuter, 2000), 103-119.
5Unless attributed to another source, all archival citations below are to the U.S. National Archives at
“Operation Sunrise”. Atti del convegno internazionale (Locarno, 2 maggio 2005), a cura di
Marino Viganò - Dominic M. Pedrazzini (Lugano 2006), pp. 103-30.